
aass___, 

BoorJaI 



\ O/^.;^ 



A 

COMPEND OF HISTORY, 

FROM THE 

EARLIEST TIMES ; / 

COMPREHENDING A GENERAL VIEW OF THE 

PRESEJSTT STATE OF THE WORLD, 

WITH RESPECT TO 

CIVILIZATION, RELIGION, AND GOVERNMENT; 

AND 

A BRIEF DISSERTATIOJT 

ON THE 

IMPORTANCE OF HISTORICAL KNOWLEDGE. 

/' 

A- 

BY SAMUEL WHEI PLEY, A. M. 

Principal of the Newark Academy. 



SIXtH EDIT'ION, WirH CORRECI'IONS^ 

BY REV. JOSEPH EMKHSON, 

Principal of the Female Seminary at Saugus. 



^r^OFGO^. 



TWO VOLUMES IN ONE, 



VOL. I. ^o -.^ 

BOSTON: 
PUBLISHED BY RICHARDSON & LORD. 

J. H. A. Frost, Printer Congress-street. 

1822. 



: 






DISTRICT OF MASSACHUSETTS, to wit : 

District Clerk^s Office, 

BE IT REMEMBERED, that on the twenty-third day of May, 
A. D. 1820, in the Forty-fourth Year of the Independence of the 
United States of America, West, Richardson & Lord, of the 
said District, have deposited in this Office, the Title of a Book, 
the right whereof they claim as Proprietors in the words following, 
to wit: 

'' A Compend of Hi-tory, from the earliest times ; comprehend- 
ing a General View of the Present State of the World, with re- 
spect to Civilization, Religion and Government ; and a Brief 
Dissertation on the Importance of Historical Knowledge. By 
Sa^.iuel Whelpley, a. M. Principal of the Newark Academy. 
Fourth Edition, with Corrections, By Rev. Joseph Emerson, 
Principal of the Byfield Seminary. Two V^olumes in one. Vol. I." 

In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, 
entitled, '' An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing 
the copies of maps, chart?, and books, to the authors and propri- 
etors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned ;" and 
also to an act entitled, '' An act, supplementary to an act, entitled, 
an act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies 
of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such 
copies, during the times therein mentioned ; and extending the 
benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving and etching 
bistorical and other prints." 

JOHN W. DAVIS, 
Clerk of the District of Mcussachusatis. 



c?0 



REF. SAMUEL MILLER, D. B. 

ONE OF THE MINISTERS OF THE UNITED PRESBYTERIAN 
CHURCHES IN THE CITY OF NEW-YORK, &,C. &C. 

REVEREND SIR, 

WITH little more claim on you than what the mass 
of society have on the benevolent notice of the learned, 
the wise, and the good, 1 have presumed to inscribe to 
you the following Compend of History ; the chief merit 
of which, I am highly sensible, must consist much in 
the motive of the author. Destined by Providence to 
be entrusted with the education of youth, I have long- 
regarded it as an important inquiry, what branches of 
knowledge and what modes of instruction are best calcu- 
lated to benefit the young mind — what objects will be 
most likely to arrest the attention, enlarge the under- 
standing, strengthen the memory, and promote virtuous 
dispositions. 

Whilst, on the one hand, I have not the vanity to think 
that I have made any important discoveries in this 
inquiry ; so, neither am I discouraged, on the other, by 
the reflection that the wise and learned in every age 
have been more or less engaged in the same inquiry. If 
the lapse of ages has corrected the errors of Lycurgus, 
Solon, and Aristotle, it is presumed that the most approved 
systems of the present day, having endured a similar test, 
will also be found defective. 

The study of history is too much neglected in our 
present course of education ; and I am strongly impressed 
v/ith the belief that children may lay a broad foundation 
for historical knowledge, while learning to read, and may 
become very generally acquainted with history, merely 
in a common course of school reading. 

No species of in>«{ ruction so easily or so deeply imprints 
itseifoa the memory of youth, .is that which is clothed 
in Simple narration and description ; especially if that 



IV DEDICATION. 

narration convey interesting facts — and if that description 
engage and delight the imagiuation. It has often been 
observed, that an early taste for reading is likely to 
enkindle in the mind a desire for general improvement ; 
and, if I may be allowed to appeal to my own experience, 
the reading of history was the first thing which awakened 
in me a desire to study the sciences. 

With these views, Reverend Sir.^ 1 have been induced 
to publish the foiiowingCompend. 1 have often found 
myself embarrassed, in passing through so wide a field — 
wil^h such rapidity. A selection and arrangement were 
desired that would mark an unbroken line, and give the 
reader a just, general and connected impression. How 
far I have succeeded in the attempt the reader must 
judge. Had I more leisure, or a better judgment, the 
work would have been more correct. But, as it is, 1 
hope it will answer the purpose for which it is designed, 
and, especialiy, that it may be so fortunate as to gain the 
sanction of your approbation. 

While modesty forbids me to say many things, which 
the voice of sincerity would prompt, I deem it but just to 
declare, that as far as dedication may be regarded as a 
mark of high personal respect — as far as presuming on 
the benevolent patronage of men of learning and talents 
is ever safe — and as far as a writer may hope to benefit 
his production by inscribing it to a name which must long 
adorn the temple of science — so far 1 felicitate myself o« 
this occasion : 

And am, Reverend Sir, 
with the highest esteem and considerations 
your most obedient 

and very humble servant, 

SAMUEL WHELPLE^ . 



EDITOR'S PREFACE. 



IT has been objected to Compends of history, that 
they are dry, uninteresting and tedious. By most of 
them, this censure is undoubtedly deserved ; and justly 
charges them with a fault of no ordinary magnitude; 
This is a fault which must almost entirel}'^ exclude them 
from being used, except by those, to whom, lesson by 
lesson they are assigned, as tasks — as tasks by no means 
delightful. And when we consider, that it should be a 
grand and leading object in education to fix the thought, 
to wake the slumbering energies of the mind, to unfold 
the faculties, and kindle a thirst for knowledge, w^e can 
hardly suppose, that such dreary tasks will be found very 
useful. 

From the charge of dulness, however, it is confidently 
hoped, that this Comj)end will be forever exempted. It 
is found to be exceedingly interesting both to the begin- 
ner, and to the proficient in history. Even after the 
second and third reading, it still continues to charm. 
JVTuch of it is written with a pathos and energy, that 
would not have disgraced the pen of Chatham. 

But this is not its only excellence. The facts are well 
selected, and, in general, well arranged. We have most 
to regret, that the work is so short. 

To deny, that this Compend has imperfections, would 
be to make it more than human. The most indifferent 
parts are imquestionably the first, second, third and last 
chapters. These are rather appendages to history, than 
a part of history itself In these, the author appears to 
I* 



VI PREFACE. 

have fallen far below himself. It would be taken too 
great a liberty, however, to expung-e them ; or to attempt 
to supply their place with any thing better. Nor does 
the editor feel at liberty to transpose them ; though it 
may be best for the learner to begin with the last chap- 
ter, and conclude with the three first. 

It is hoped, that the value of this edition is considera- 
bly enhanced — that it will be found much more correct 
in various respects, than preceding- editions. A few sen- 
tences have been omitterl, as unimportant. The great- 
est liberty has been taken with the Chronological Tables^ 
as not being of Mr. Whelpley's composition. Several of 
them, which were conjectural, or of little importance to 
us, have been omitted. Much time has been spent to 
render the rest as correct, as possible. 

It is hoped the notes will be found both interesting and 
tiseful. 

Method of teaching the following Compend. 

1. Let the pupil read over the lesson assigned, to gain 
a general idea of the connexion. As he proceeds, let 
him carefully consult his dictionary and maps, as far as 
may be needful, in order to understand the words of the 
author and the situation of places mentioned. 

2. Let the pupil read over the lesson in connexion 
with the printed questions, marking the answers, as he 
proceeds. 

3. Let him commit the answers to memory. Tiet him 
be particularly careful to read and think them over delih' 
erately and under standingly^ that he may be able to repeat 
them with propriety. 

4- Let two pupils ask each other the questions. 

5. Let the pupil read over the lesson once more, to fix 
the connexion more perfectly in his mind, and to prepare 
to answer whatever questions the teacher may propose. 



PREFACE. Yll 

6. Let the pupil be required to answer not only all the 
printed questions, but such others, as the instructor may 
deem important. 

7. Let the pupil be required to recite his lesson with 
the greatest possible propriety, as it respects delibera- 
tion, pauses, emphasis, cadence, &c. By this means he 
may be constantly advancing in the important art of 
reading. The indistinct, confused, monotonous, hurrying 
manner, in which scholars are often allowed to recite, 
can hardly fail to injure their reading. 

8. The more difficult questions, especiall}^ such as are 
addressed to the judgment, rather thsfn to the memory, 
may be addressed to the class generall}^, that any one 
may answer them, who may be able. 

9. The instructor may find it very useful to intersperse 
or add a considerable number of observations, to explain, 
illustrate, confirm, or enforce the most important parts of 
the lesson. 

10. Let the exercises at the end of each week be a re- 
view. If the scholars are sufficiently forward in writing, 
&,c. it may be very useful for them to recite their review- 
lessons to each other; and give each other certificates 

in the following form — This certifies that Miss A 

B has promptly and correctly repeated to me 

answers to Historical Questions, contained in the recita- 
tions of the present week. 

C D . 

Date. 

11. It may be useful for the instructor to ask miscella- 
neous questions, relating to any part of history, that the 
pupil has studied, such as. Who was Ninyas ? Who was 
Sennacherib ? Who were the Scythians ? In what, were 
the Persians superior to the Greeks? lu what, were the 
Romans superior to the Greeks, &c. 



Vlll PREFACE. 

If the special efforts, that have now been made for the 
improvement of this excellent Compend, should prove 
instrumental of extending- the noble and delightful study 
of history, of promoting a taste for literature in general, 
and of leading ihe minds of youth to a devout acknow- 
ledgment of HIM who rules in the kingdoms of men, it 
will afford the editor his richest reward, lor all the toil 
of correction. 

JOSEPH EMERSON. 

Byfieid, May 1, 1820. 



SIXTH EDITION OF THE COMPEND. 

Though it is by no means to he expected, that a volume 
of this size will be entirely free from mistakes, it is con- 
fidently hoped, that this edition will be found more cor- 
rect, than the preceding. It is also believed, that the 
lovers of history and of truth will consider the value of 
this very popular work as still farther enhanced by a 
considerable number of notes, which are added to this 
edition. 

It affords the editor no small satisfaction to indulge the 
hope, that he may have been in some measure instru- 
mental of promoting the circulation of a Compend of 
History, which he considers the most interesting, within 
so small a compass, that has yet appeared in an English 
dress. 

J. E. 

Saugus, April 24, 1 822, 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

VOL. I. 

CHAPTER T. Page. 

THE Credibility of the Mosaic History, .... 13 

CHAPTER 1!. 
Causes which have operated to plunge Ancient 
History into darkness, 28 

CHAPTER III. 
Sources, whence the knowledge of Ancient History 
is drawn, 31 

CHAPTER IV. 

Brief Plistorical View of the Assyrian Empire, from 
its foundation to the reign of Ninyas, .... 39 

CHAPTER V. 

-of the Assyrian Empire, from 



the reign of Ninyas to the fall of Nineveh, . . 45 

CHAPTER VL 

■of the Assyrian Empire, from 



the destruction of Nineveh to the taking of Baby- 
lon by Cyrus, 61 

CHAPTER VII. 

-of the Persian Empire, from 



its foundation to the birth of Cyrus, 55 

CHAPTER VIII. 
-of the Persian Empire, from 



the birth of Cyrus to the conquest of the Lesser 
Asia, * 6: 



X €0?JTENTS. 

CHAPTER IX. Page. 

Brief Historical View of the Persian Empire, from 
the reduction of Asia Minor, by Cyius, till its 
subversion by Alexander, 67 

CHAPTER X. 

-of Ancient Greece, from the 



earliest times to the legislation of Lycurgus, . 

CHAPTER XI. 
■of Ancient Greece, from the 



legislation of Lycurgus till the issue of the Per- 
sian Invasion, 8i) 

CHAPTER XII. 
■of Ancient Greece, from the 



Persian Invasion till the death of Alexander the 
Great, 103 

CHAPTER XIII. 

-of Alexander's Empire, from 



his death till its subjugation by the Romans . . 13T 

CHAPTER XIV. 
-of the Roman Empire, from 



the founding of Rome by Romulus to the expul- 
sion of Tarquin the Proud ; containing a period 
of 245 years, 150 

CHAPTER XV. 

the Roman Empire, from 



the expulsion of Tarquin to the conquest of Car- 
thage, 157 

CHAPTER XVI. 
■of the Roman Empire, from 



the iaW of Carthage to the reign of Commodus ; 
containing a period of 312 years, 188 



CONTENTS. XI 

CHAPTER XVII. Page. 

General Observations on the Roman History, from 
the accession of Augustus to the death of Marcus 
Aurelius, 209 

CHAPTER XVIII. 
Brief Hiitorical View of the Roman Empire, from 
the reign of Commodus to the extinction of the 
Western Empire, under Augustulus; containing 
a period of 283 years, 217 

CHAPTER XIX. 



■of the course of Empire, from 



the fall of Rome to the establishment of the Em- 
pire of Charlemagne ; containing a period of 
324 years, ....... 227 



HISTORICAL COMPEND. 



CHAPTER L 



INTRODUCTORY. 

THE CREDIBILITY OF THE MOSAIC HISTORY. 

THAT the existence of the human race, has no 
rational claim to a higher antiquit}', than is allowed 
in the Mosaic histor}', may be argued from two con- 
siderations : 1. The total want of evidence of a 
higher antiquity. 2. Various evidences, that the 
scripture chronology is correct. 

1. There is a total want of evidence of higher an- 
tiquity. 

Had the world existed from eternity, and man 
passed through an eternal series of generations, it is 
highly probable, that numerous evidences would ex- 
ist, of periods more distant than six thousand years. 

It is a thing incredible, that no traces of a much 
higher antiquity, should have been discovered by 
the Greeks, Egyptians or Chaldeans : yet they fixed 
the origin of the human race at no distant period ; 
and as we shall state hereafter, it is within the limits 
of scripture chronology. 

The pretended antiquity of the Chinese and In- 
dians, is found, upon the most strict and impartial 
examination, to be void of credibility. Their records 
are incorrect, fabulous, and made up of parts, incom- 
patible with each other. 

The grand annals of China are contained in six 
hundred and sixty-eight volumes, of which a copy is 
in France. This is abridged in a hundred volumes; 
2 



14 THE CREDIBILITY OF 

from which the Abbe Grosier has extracted a work 
of twelve volumes, comprising a history of China. 
From these records, it appears that that enipire must 
have originated a short time prior to the reign of 
Yao, which was 2057 years before Christ : of course 
near the time, that Ninus founded the Assyrian em- 
pire. This statement is confirmed, not only by all 
Europeans, whose knowledge of the Chinese lan- 
guage has enabled them to examine those records, 
but by several learned Chinese, who have studied 
the languages of Europe : and this statement also 
corroborates the opinion, that Noah himself, or one 
of his sons, founded that empire. It appears proba- 
ble, from the general current of oriental tradition, 
that Noah left the general settlement, and emigrated 
eastward, where his posterity afterwards founded the 
Chinese monarchy, as we shall hereafter more par- 
ticularly notice. 

2. To these considerations Vv-e may add, that there 
are various evidences of the correctness of scripture 
chronology. 

As there exists no evidence of a higher antiquity, 
so neither is it possible to fix the creation of the 
world, and the origin of the human race, in a much 
later period. The history and chronology of the 
Bible are liable to no charge of inconsistency. The 
facts considered in detail, or in. the aggregate, want 
lione of the genuine characters of true and impar- 
tial history. When we come to consider the sources, 
whence the knowledge of ancient history is drawn, 
we shall see, that they uniformly increase the au- 
thority, by corroborating the facts of the sacred 
history. 

That matter was coeval with God, and independent 
of him, is more difficult to reconcile with the dic- 
tates of reason, or to the phenomena of nature, than 
the doctrine of creation and providence, as laid 
down in the books of Moses. If it is most easy and 
rational to believe what is most evident, and if 



THE MOSAIC HISTORY. 15 

wisdom and goodness are displayed in the works of 
nature, and throughout all Uie visible creation, then 
to abstain from believing, Vvill be to tollow the 
weaker, instead of the stronger reason. Those, 
therefore, who reject the latter, and embrace the. 
former scheme, are more worthy of the charge of 
credulity, than those, on whom they bestow it. 

Neither Cicero nor Plato had any knowledge of 
antiquity, inconsistent with the Mosaic account of 
the creation ; indeed, as we extend our inquiries 
back into ancient ages, we evidently see all the rays 
of tight converging to one point ; beyond wliich, lit- 
tle is conjectured — nothing is evident. 

The account of the deluge may be considered, 
as the most prominent feature of the first book of 
Moses. This article of the Bible history is made 
both the subject of cavil and ridicule by unbeliev- 
ers, as a thing incredible and absurd. This they 
commonly do upon the ground of its being a mere 
matter of revelation ! The evidences, on which 
its credibility rests, are by no means so generally 
known, as the importance of the thing seems to de- 
mand. 

We shall briefly state the evidences in proof of 
the truth of this article. 

1. Were it regarded merely as a matter of reve- 
lation, as the objection imports, still it challenges 
belief. As such, it must be considered as part of a 
system of truth, which in the sum, and in all its 
parts, is infallible. The history wTitten by Moses, 
contains nothing, but what might be looked for in 
the dictates of a Being of infinite wisdom. His 
laws can in no instance be taxed with injustice, nor 
his assertions with falsehood. 

The character, which Moses ascribes to God, 
as far transcends any thing found in the heathen 
writers, as the God of the universe is more glorious 
than an idol. Among the things written by Moses, 
th^ character of God^ the origin of the universe, the 



16 THE CREDIBILITY OP 

perfect standard of morality, the maxims of civi! 
policy, and the excellent code of laws, were all far 
feeyond the reach of human wisdom. 

This remark is so certainly true, that among all 
the productions of mortal men since his time, none 
have come within an infinite distance of him, but 
such as have copied from his originals, or drawn 
from the same fountain of inspiration. 

Why then should we disbelieve his history ? It 
states things, which, if they cannot in every instance 
be proved, can in no instance, be disproved — facts, 
which the whole current of universal testimony 
corroborates. Hence, if the certainty of the deluge 
rested wholly on the authority of revelation, it would 
need no better support. So far is that from being the 
case, however, that, in fact, no event is more strongly 
attested or sustained by the belief of all the ancient 
nations, as we shall presently state. 

2. The geography of the earth affords several 
strong proofs of a universal deluge. The produc- 
tions of the sea are found in the most inland parts, 
not only on the earth's surface, but even deep in its 
bowels; and not only in valleys and plains, but in 
hills and mountains. These productions are found 
in such quantities, as not to be accounted for by any 
slight or partial cause, and in such a state, as denotes 
them to have been deposited there for many ages. 

Had there ever been such a deluge, as Moses 
describes, such appearances, as are now observed, 
must have followed. Marine productions must have 
been washed up on the land, and in many places 
mingled with it. In one eminent instance (hen, 
it must be allowed, that the phenomena of nature 
confirm the truth of the Mosaic history, and that too 
in an article thought by some the most doubtful. 
We need inquire for but one cause for one effect; 
and certainly the universal diffusion of marine pro- 
ductions, can only be accounted for, by supposing 
that the ocean once covered the earth. 



THE MOSAIC HISTORir. 17 

The configuration of the surface of the earth, 
the positions of hills, mountains, valleys and plains, 
seern to denote some ancient war of elements. They 
are, generally speaking, so situated and fashioned, as 
might be expected from the whirlpools, currents, and 
eddies of the retiring flood, and can only be account- 
ed for as effects of the deluge. 

3. The belief of all the ancient nations, and the 
testimonies of many writers of antiquity, confirm 
Moses' account of the deluge, and shew, that no 
article of ancient history is better supported. We 
shall here state a few authorities on this subject. 

1. The first authority, among the heathen writers^ 
is that of Berosus the Chaldean. From his testimo- 
ny we may learn the opinion of the Chaldeans re- 
specting the flood. If we change the name of Noah 
for that of Xisuthrus, it will appear that Berosus has 
the whole history of the deluge complete. Berosus 
says, " that very anciently the gods being greatly of- 
fended at the wickedness of the human race, foretoJd 
to Xisuthrus that they intended to destroy the world 
by a deluge. Xisuthrus immediately set about build- 
ing a ship of very great dimensions. After many 
years, a prodigious vessel was constructed, and Xisu- 
thrus with his family entered into it, with a multitude 
of creatures, which were to be preserved. 

" The flood then came ; the face of the whole earth 
was covered ; and the vessel which carried the only 
surviving family of the human race, was buoyed up, 
and floated on the boundless deluge. The waters at; 
length abated, and the ship chanced to land on a 
mountain in Armenia, called Ararat." The same 
author says, that nigh to his own times, "large pieces 
of timber were still seen on those mountains, univer- 
sally supposed to be pieces of the ship of Xisuthrus." 

Many other Chaldean writers mention the same 

things : so that the belief of the Chaldeans in the 

deluge, rests on the most unquestionable authorities. 

Moreover, the certainty, that they did believe in it, is 

2* 



18 THE CREDIBILITY OP 

a consideration of great weight ; for Nimrod founded 
their empire but a short time after the deluge ; and 
they, of all the ancient nations, were the most likely 
to have correct information, as far as depended on 
tradition. 

2. The second authority we shall mention, is Ovid, 
a writer of the Augustan age. He relates the story, 
though with different names, much in the same way: 
He says, that " the gods, to punish the wickedness 
of man, destroyed the earth with a deluge. The 
destruction was so complete, that only Deucalion and 
Pyrrha escaped to the top of mount Parnassus." 

3. Varro, the most learned man the Roman state 
produced, is full to our purpose. Varro says, that 
" in ancient times, there was a universal deluge, in 
which the human race were nearly all destroyed." 
He says, that the flood took place 1600 years before 
the first Olympiad. Now it is known, that the first 
Olympiad took place 771 years before Christ. This 
account admirably corresponds with the scripture 
chronology ; for 1600 added to 771, makes 2371 ; 
whereas the Mosaic chronology places the flood 2348 
years before Christ, a difference of only twenty-three 
years in a range of time so long. When we consider 
the erudition of Varro, and that his chronology was 
drawn from the Greeks and Eg^'-ptians, and came 
through a different channel from that of the scrip- 
lure, we may well be astonished at this coincidence, 
and can have no rational doubt of the correctness of 
the facts in question. 

4. Seneca, the celebrated Roman philosopher and 
historian, is very particular on the subject of the 
deluge. He not only says the same things, as the 
above cited authors, but goes much further into the 
subject, assigning what were the probable causes of 
the flood. He moreover says, that as the world 
has once been destroyed by water, so it shall again 
"be destroyed by fire, and like a philosopher, pro- 
ceeds to account for the possibility, and even proba- 
"bility, of such an event. 



THE MOSAIC HISTORYa 19 

5. Few men were more extensively read, or deep- 
ly learned in history, than Josephus, the Jewish his- 
torian. He affirms, that we read of the deluge and 
the ark in the writings of all the barbarian histo- 
rians; and that all the eastern nations were uniform 
in their belief of that article of the Mosaic history. 

G. Vossius says, that a tradition prevails among 
the Chinese, that Puoncuus with his family, escaped 
from the universal deluge, and was the restorer of 
the human race. The same is also stated by father 
Martinus, the Jesuit, who was a resident in Chma, and 
who says, that all the ancient writers of the Chinese 
history, speak largely of the flood. Even among the 
Indians of North and South America, many traditions 
of a general deluge, are said to prevail. 

7. We shall close this enumeration of authors, with 
the great and respectable names of Strabo, Plato and 
Plutarch, all of whom express their belief in a gen- 
eral deluge. Plutarch, particularly, says, that Deu- 
calion, when the waters of the flood were abating, 
sent forth a dove, which returned with an olive leaf 
in her mouth. It may indeed be said, that he copied 
this from the history of Moses; in reply to which, 
we only need answer, if so, then he doubtless gave 
credit to that history. 

Many more testimonies might be adduced on this 
subject ; but from those already stated, those who are 
disposed to tax the history of Moses in this article 
with falshood or absurdity, may see something of 
the nature of the controversy, in which they are 
engaged. 

It is thought by many, that the heathen mythology 
deciphered, is but the history of Noah and his sons, 
and the original dispersion of their families. Sa- 
turn, whom mythology declares to be the father of 
gods and men, they say, was Noah ; and Jupiter, 
the son of Saturn, was Ham, the son of Noah. Plato 
affirmed, that Saturn <was the son of Oceanus and 
Thetis. 



20 THE CREDIBILITT OF 

A bold and lively fancy would not scruple to say, 
that Noah was born of the sea, or of the flood. Thetis 
was the Ocean, and Oceanus, the god, was supposed 
to preside over it. As Noah passed over the deluge 
from the old world to the new, nothing could be more 
natural in those simple and pastoral ages which fol- 
lowed, than for orators, poets and fabuHsts first, and 
at length for all others to celebrate him, as sprung 
from the sea ; yea, to promote him at length into a 
god, and to adore him, as the father of gods and men. 

When Babylon was taken by Alexander the Great, 
his philosopher, Calisthenes, found in the tower of 
Babel, astronomical observations for 1903 years pre- 
ceding ; i. e. from its supposed building. The Chal- 
deans were astronomers at a very early date ; and 
their view in rearing that very high tower, among 
other things, might have been to provide a convenient 
observatory. Alexander took Babylon about 333 
years before Christ ; which would make the building 
of Babel 2236 years before Christ. The Mosaic his- 
tory places the flood 2348 years before the Christian 
era : consequently Babel must have been begun 
within a little more than a century from the flood. 

Three famous ancient authors, viz. Plato, Herodo- 
tus, and Diodorus Siculus, each of whom visited 
Egypt, fix the date of the l?eroic age, and what they 
call the wars of the great gods, at different eras, but 
not far from the same time. Plato fixes the date of 
these wars in the time of Cecrops. The " Antiqui- 
ties of Greece" state, that Cecrops founded the com- 
monwealth of Athens 1450 years before Christ, or 
253 years before the Trojan war. Herodotus and 
Diodorus fix those wars a little earlier. Between the 
days of Cecrops and the flood, were 898 years. In 
this time the iVIosaic history comes down to the con- 
quest of Canaan ; and in this time took place all 
those transactions between gods and giants, so famous 
in mythology. From this statement we deduce two 
Considerations of importance i 



THE MOSAIC. HISTORY. 21 

1, Neither the traditions nor histories of the Greeks 
and Egyptians claim a higher antiquity than the Mo- 
saic history — and 

2. As far as their traditions can be traced from 
facts, or their allegories resolved, they go rather to 
corroborate, than weaken the authority of that histo- 
ry. In this period, Menes, or Misrairn, laid the foun- 
dation of the ancient kin;4donn of Egypt, which, it is 
said, the Copts and Arabs still call the land of Mesr, 
or Misrairn. In the sanrie period, Nimrod founded 
the kingdom of Babylon — Elam, the son of Shem, 
founded the Persian, and Ashur the Assyrian empires. 
Joktan, the great grandson of Arphaxad, settled in 
Africa ; and the sons of Japhed settled in Italy, 
Germany, Scythia, and the east. Those who have 
leisure and inclination to read, may see this subject 
treated at large, in Bedford's Chronolcgj. 

Under this head, it shall suffice to say, that no ac- 
count of the origin of the universe of creatures, has 
ever been presented to the human understanding, so 
rational, so sublime, and so consonant to the sponta- 
neous voice of nature, as that given by Moses. 

It only remains for us to inquire, whether the books 
called 'the books of Moses, are genuine ; whether 
they were in fact, the productions of Moses ; and 
whether Moses could have been aided in writing 
these books, by any other means of knowledge, than 
divine inspiration. 

That the books of Moses, commonly called the 
Pentateuch, are genuine, i, e. written by him, or 
under his immediate direction, there is satisfactory 
evidence. The first source of evidence we shall no- 
tice, is the regular annals of a nation. That the 
Israelites were an enlightened nation, is evident from 
the elegance and sublimity of their writings, and the 
wonderful and excellent fabric of their laws. The 
fundamental maxims of law and justice, among the 
most enlightened nations now existing are borrowed 
from the law of Moses. And whoever will examine 



22 THE CREDIBILITY OF 

the civil govcrr;nent of (he Hehrews, will perceive, 
that tl^eir maxims of policy were drawn with con- 
summate wisdom.* That Moses was a genera], a 
law-giver, and a writer among the Hebrews, is as 
evident, as that Solon, Lycurgus, or Julius Cesar 
sustained sonie of tlie same offices in t]:eir respective 
countries. Whoever can believe that Homer vrrote 
an epic poem; Demosthenes, orations; Cesar, com- 
mentaries ; or Horace, odes, must also, if iie is candid, 
believe that the books of Moses are genuine. 

Let us now inquire, whether Moses had any means 
of coming to llie knowleGfi:e of tilings, which took 
place before his day, besides those of immediate 
inspiration. He certainly had, for he was skilled in 
all the learning of the Egyptians, in his lime the 
most learned of all nations. 

Moses was the son of Amram, (he son of Kohatb, 
the son of Levi. Shem, the son of Noah, lived near 
to the birth of Jacob ; and Methusaleh had lived 
many years cotemporary with Adam, and also many 
years with Shem. It will hence follow, that Adam 
conversed with Methusaleh — he, with Shem — Shem, 
with Isaac : and Moses might have seen persons, 
w^ho had conversed with Isaac. 

Moses, therefore, must have possessed peculiar ad- 
vantages, to know whatever could be known, orally, 
of ancient history. And who does not know the accu- 
racy, with which many nations preserve historic facts, 
and the facility, with which they transmit them to 
posterity, without alphabetic writing? Admitting, 
therefore, the origin of the human race to have been 
as Moses relates, it is highly probable, that Moses, and 
otliers as well as he, must have had very complete in- 
formation respecting Adam and Eve — their transgres- 
sion — the murder of Abel — the punishment of Cain — 
the translation of Enoch — the progress of art, and of 
vice, before the flood — the building of the ark — the 
flood, and the repeopling of the earth, by Noah and his 

* See LowMAN on the civil government of the HebreAvs. 



THE MOSAIC HISTORY. 23 

sons : especially, when we add to other considerations, 
the great age, to which they lived before the flood. 

The longevity of the antediluvians is asserted by 
many of the heathen writers of antiquity. It was 
their opinion, that the hunnan race, while uncorrupt- 
ed by vice, lived long ; but when they provoked the 
gods by their wickedness, diseases were sent, and 
their lives cut short. 

Adam, indeed, could have learned nothing of 
what took place before his creation, but by special 
revelation. But what is there unreasonable in the 
idea, that the Almighty, when he had created man, 
should reveal himself to him, and give him some 
intimations concerning the work of creation and 
providence? We answer. Nothing. The reverse 
would be unreasonable, and utterly inconsistent with 
the wisdom and goodness of God. For Almighty 
power to give existence to man, to immure him in 
darkness, to leave him to explore his way to the dis- 
covery of his own origin, duty and destiny, and to 
find out the existence and perfections of the first 
cause, would be utterly inconsistent with divine be- 
nevolence. 

Considering man either in his original or fallen 
state, there is nothing unreasonable in the idea of 
God's revealing himself to him in a direct and special 
manner. Had man never fallen, who can doubt, 
that God would have given him various, continual 
and most glorious manifestations? By these, he 
would have been ennobled and perfected in his 
moral faculties, til! he attained the high excellence 
of angelic natures. Even in his depraved and fal- 
len state, it was not inconsistent with the Father of 
mercies to begin, to carry on, and to complete, his 
benevolent designs tow'ard him, by an immediate 
revelation of himself. 

We may then demand, why are some philosophers, 
so opposed to the doctrine of a special revelation of 
God to mankind? Is not the language of their hearts, 



24 THE CREDIBILITY OF 

Depart from us, O Lord, we desire not the knoxdedgt 
of thy ways ? 

Since it cannot be denied, that man is a reason- 
able being — that he is a moral agent, capable of vir- 
tue and vice, and that as such, he is a proper subject 
of government, neither can it be denied, that his 
highest felicity must forever depend on his progress 
in knowledge and vir'ue. That he should, tnere- 
fore, come to the knowledge of a being of infinite 
power, wisdom and goodness, seems indispensable to 
his happiness. Hence, it seems to be a thing highly 
desirable in itself, and necessary to man's eternal 
well-being, that God should reveal himself to man, in 
w^ays far more direct and special, than he has in the 
works of nature. 

When God's character and perfections are once 
discovered, we then can easily perceive traces of 
them in his works 5 but if God had never revealed 
himself to man in any special way, it is extremely 
doubtful, whether the mind of man ever would have 
reached the first cause, even in conjecture. We 
often hear it observed, that pure Deism is the most 
rational and self-consistent of all religions. But it 
should be remembered., that the idea even of that 
one God, of which pure Deism boasts, is obtained 
from divine revelation. 

Could we see what system of theology the mind 
of man would frame, without any aid from imme- 
diate revelation, we should see a scheme far different 
from the boasted true ot pure Deism. Such a scheme 
may indeed be seen in the religion of some of the 
inhabitants of Africa and the islands, who. it is 
said, have not the least idea of a Supreme Being, 
care nothing about futurity, and live without law or 
government.* Pure Deism, therefore, would prove 
to be a scheme of religion without the idea of a God ; 
a scheme, which probably the pure Deist must either 

* See Locke on the Human Understanding — vol. i. lib. i. p. 
64, 65. 



THE MOSAIC HISTORY. 25 

adopt, or look for the character of the God whom he 
adores, in special revelation. It will hence follow, 
that pure Deism, divested of any aid from revelation, 
will prove to be Atheism. Indeed we may safely 
assert, that, had not God made a supernatural reve- 
lation of himself to man, the whole human race 
would have been Atheists and savages. 

The common objection to the doctrine of creation, 
as taught by Moses, is, that it is impossible to con- 
ceive, how God could create all things out of nothing. 
We have no difficulty in conceiving, that God is a 
being of almighty power; yet we have no conception 
of the manner, in which he exerts his power, even in 
any case. Upon a careful examination of this mat- 
ter, it will appear, that the objection before us ope- 
rates equally against all events as effects of divine 
power. It simply amounts to this ; we cannot con- 
ceive how divine power operates: shall we therefore 
deny that it operates at all ? 

The mighty chain of effects and causes, although it 
begins with the great first Cause, consists of innu- 
merable links. Many effects in their turn, become 
causes, and produce other effects; whence, generally 
speaking, all effects are in their turn causes-, and all 
causes, excepting One, are effects. In this infinitely 
wide field of causes, there seems to obtain one impor- 
tant distinction. All these multifarious, and perpetual- 
ly operating causes, are either intelligent and design- 
ing, or incogitative and physical. These two classes 
of causes are widely different in their nature, and 
equally so in their effects. So far as our observations 
can extend, proportion, arrangement, beauty, and ex- 
cellency, whenever they are effects, are invariably and 
immediately from intelligent and designing causes. 
Unintelligent, incogitative causes, never produce or- 
der, proportion, beauty or excellency. Homer could 
write an excellent poem ; but a rock, if conveyed to 
the top of a mountain, and set rolling down, will dash 
and prostrate all before it : there will be nothing like 
3 



26 THE CREDIBILITY OF 

order or elegance in its palh. Sir Christopher Wren, 
or Inigo Jones, could build a glorious palace, but a 
whirlwind, a torrent or an earthquake, though never 
known to erect the smallest building, have been 
known to throw down and demolish many. Where 
agents of that nature have been operating for ages, so 
far from ever effecting any thing beautiful or useful, 
the disorders of such a place will only increase. 

We are therefore taught by reason and experience, 
that the order, beauty and magnificence of the visible 
universe, are the effects of an intelligent, designing 
cause. The conclusion is irresistible, that there must 
be a being, who does produce such effects. We see 
enough of his power and wisdom displayed, to afford 
conviction, that he can create. There seems nothing 
absurd or extravagant in the idea, that a being of al- 
mighty power, can create out of nothing. It is not 
derogating from the respect due to God, to say that 
he cannot work contradictions ; that he cannot cause 
two and two to be five ; that he cannot cause a thing 
to be, and not to be, at the same time ; but that he 
can cause a thing to be at one time, and not be at 
another, involves no absurdity. Let it be supposed, 
that there was a time, when no creature existed. 
Will the objector say, that the eternal God could not 
give existence to creatures? Will he say, that God 
could not create both matter and mind? An artist, 
indeed, cannot make a watch without materials, and 
tools to work with : he must have the steel, the sil- 
ver, the brass, the chrystal, &c. Must therefore, the 
infinite Deity have pre-existing materials, in order to 
make a world ? If so, he is but an artist of superior 
skill, but of limited powers. 

Those, therefore, who object to the idea of absolute 
creation as absurd, should tell wherein that absurdity 
consists. If they deny a distinction between matter 
and mind, and hold matter to be eternal and uncre- 
ated, it will come to this, that there is nothing but 
matter and nothing but Deity, all things are God ; or 



THE MOSAIC HISTORY. ^t 

that tliere is no mind, no creation, no God. If there 
be any such thing as mind in creatures, it is a con- 
scious thinking principle or being. But all rational 
creatures, with which we are acquainted, know per- 
fectly well, thai their consciousness has not been eter'* 
nal, but had a very recent beginning. But if minds 
have a beginning, we are compelled to grant, that 
they are created. Is it more difficult to create mat- 
ter, than nii[)d ? It is persumed that no modest, sensi- 
ble man will affirm, that matter and mind cannot be 
created, without he is previously able to tell us what 
matter and mind are. When the philosopher can go 
so far as to prove from the nature of a being, that God 
Aimiifhty could not have created it, we will subscribe 
to his scheme ; but if his weightiest argument be 
founded in his acknowledged ignorance, he is liable 
to the charge of inconsistency. For, as on the one 
hand, there is nothing in the known nature of things, 
which militates against the ideaof their being created, 
so on the other, the being and perfections of God are 
proofs, that he can create, and all the phenomena of 
nature corroborate the same. And it will be found 
that all those strong doubts respecting the possibility 
of creation, are grounded on doubts of the being and 
perfection of God. But should the objection before 
us, be allowed to have all its full weight,!, e. that we 
cannot at all, conceive [jow God can create out of 
nothing; will it thence be safe to conclude, that he 
did not in iact create ? Can we conceive how divine 
power, or indeed any other power, is applied to cause 
the revohilion of the planets? Yet by some power or 
other, their revolution is effected. Can we conceive 
how the energy of the divine will operates in the 
production of any one event? or, in short, can w^e 
conceive how any one cause ever produces any effect? 
Has the divine will, therefore, no energy? And is 
there no such thing as cause and effect ? Can we con^ 
ceive how God can be omnipresent ? is he therefore, 
not omnipresent ? In short, to come nearer home, can 



28 CAUSES OF THE OBSCURITY 

I conceive, how the motion of the pen, now in my 
hand, is connected with niy volition, and caused by 
it? No more than I can conceive how God could cre- 
ate the universe. Yet my pen does move, and that 
motion is connected with, and caused bv, my volition. 

If our conceptions must be the rule and the limit 
of our belief, we shall directly plunge into scepticism, 
and shall never stop short of Atheism. The objec- 
tion before us, therefore, is utterly void of weight, 
and evidently of atlieistical tendency. 

Since, therefore, the Mosaic history, in the doctrine 
of creation, asserts nothing repugnant to reason, nor 
yet to the phenomena of nature — since all existing 
considerations rather favor, than discountenance that 
doctrine — since that history, in general, is corrobo- 
rated by collateral testimonies, as far as they exist, 
and by the genuine characters of reality, truth and 
reason, where they do not ; it challenges belief and 
respect, as the highest, most unquestionable and 
valuable of all ancient authorities. 



CHAPTER II. 

CAUSES WHICH HAVE OPERATED TO PLUNGE ANCIENT 
HISTORY INTO DARKNESS. 

SEVERAL events, both in ancient and modern 
times, have conspired to plunge the history of ancient 
nations into darkness. Those events have cast a vail 
of obscurity over such parts, as have reached our 
times, and have unfortunately buried others in obli- 
vion. In the first class of those events, may be rank- 
ed the destruction of libraries. The famous library 
of Alexandria, founded by Ptolemy Philadelphus, 
about 284 years before the Christian era, consisted 
of vast collections of records, histories, tracts, poems, 
and works of taste. This immense repository of an- 



OP ANCIENT HISTORY. 29 

cient science, had been replenishing for several cen- 
turies. ■ Here was amassed every thing that was curi- 
ous, valuable, or elegant, among literary productions, 
since the days of Memnon, including, doubtless, all 
the ancient tales and genealogies, handed down by 
oral tradition, before the invention of letters. This 
library was destroyed in the burning of Alexandria, 
by Julius Cesar. 

Here were doubtless many valuable oris^inals ut- 
terly lost. Before the art of printing, and especially 
in ancient times, there were but few books in the 
world ; no work of magnitude could be obtained, but 
at a great expense. 'J'he Alexandrian library might 
have comprised half the books in the world, and very 
many of them with scarcely a duplicate existing. 
The loss was reckoned at 400,000 volumes. The 
institution was, however, revived, and a still greater 
collection made, which was enriched by the noble 
productions of the Agustan age. This flourished 
till the seventh century of the Christian era, when it 
was burned by the Saracens, who used the books for 
common fuel. There perished 700,000 volumes. 

VVe may next notice the extinction of smaller libra- 
ries, and institutions for promoting science. The 
loss of these, though less ostensible, yet, on account 
of their numbers, and dispersion through the most 
enlightened nations, by imperceptible degrees be- 
clouded the skies, and served to overwhelm the days 
of antiquity in darkness. The rage of barbarians, in 
every age, has been levelled at the productions of art 
and genius, which it is their pride and pleasure to de- 
stroy. When but few copies of the most valuable 
works were extant, the burning of a single house, 
might bury in oblivion the annals of a nation. Nor 
yet is the impervious gloom, with which many parts 
of ancient history are covered, chargeable wholly on 
savages. In the destruction of Memphis, Persepolis, 
Babylon, Nineveh, Tyre, Jerusalem, Carthage and 
Corinth, many valuable productions of genius and 
3* 



30 OBSCLTRITt OF AfTCffiNT IIISTOHY. 

learning were forever lost. Who can read of the 
sack of Corinth, without ennotions of unspeakable 
regret? There the most elegant statues and pictures, 
the finest productions of Greece in her meridian, 
were dashed in the streets, crushed in the general 
wreck, and thrown into the flames. And after the 
immense capital of the Roman empire had been 
enriched, ornamented and aggrandized by all that 
had escaped the wars of two thousand years, it was 
destined to be plundered from time to time, and fall 
a prey to the barbarians, over whom it had triumph- 
ed ; so that in tb^ reign of Justinian, it was besiege 
ed and taken five times in the space of twenty years. 

The decline of the Roman empire, and its sub- 
version by the northern nations of Europe, have 
thrown between us and ancient times, a wide and 
dreary vale of darkness, through which only a (ew 
of the stronger lights of history gleam upon our 
times. Instead of wondering that there is so littley 
it is wonderful, indeed, that so much has escaped 
the gulf of oblivoin — that so many inestimable jewels 
have been dug from the tombs of empires, and that 
so many noble monuments of literature have been 
able to resist the waste of ages, and the shock of 
revolutions. 

The Roman empire first experienced a total loss 
of public virtue. Inseparably connected with that, 
was the loss of its liberties, and the elevation to the 
imperial throne of a succession of the most execrable 
monsters of vice, that ever swayed a sceptre. It 
long survived its orators, poets, historians and phi- 
losophers ; it long survived its virtue, integrity and 
martial spirit. During so general a decay of intel- 
ligence, genius, and virtue, events must have arisen 
highly prejudicial to ancient literature, which we 
have no means of tracing. All the paths of science 
were overrun and entangled with unintelligible scho- 
lastic jargon ; and the Christian religion itself, which 
had, by the purity and simplicity of its doctrines and 



SOURCES OF AN^CIENT HISTORY. 31 

irjorals, prevailed and triumphed through the empire, 
at length became loaded with useless ceremony, and 
ridiculous superstition. 

In a word, the fall of the ancient Greeks and 
Romans, the rage of barbarians, a series of great 
revolutions, and the lapse of numerous ages, have 
conspired with numberless events of less magnitude, 
to lessen our means of the knowledge of ancient his- 
tory. But many stupendous works of art and lit- 
erary productions have made their way through all 
these storms, have neither been v.orn out by the 
wheel of revolving ages, cancelled by the restless 
malice of man, nor crushed in the general wreck of 
states and empires. 

To trace out these valuable remains, is a melan- 
choly, though a pleasing, useful and important work. 
To accomplish that work, we are compelled to ex- 
amine a voluminous comment on the depravity of 
our species ; we are led to consider man, when 
under the reign of his passions, as an object of ex- 
treme deformity, and disgust. In pursuing those 
interesting discoveries, we are guided hy a few scat- 
tered lights, which burn with strong lustre : we must 
make wide and solitary excursions among the tombs 
of heroes, sages, empires, and revohjtions. There 
we shall see displayed the greatest efforts of genius, 
and the strongest powers of philosophy ; and there 
we shall see, that all human institutions, however 
flourishing they may appear for a while, must at 
length fade. 



CHAPTER III. 

SOURCES, WHENCE THE KNOW^LEDGE OF ANCIENT HISTORY 
IS DRAWN, 

IT is upwards of 3600 years since Memnon, the 
Egyptian, invented the letters of the alphabet ; 
about three centuries after which, they were intro- 



32 SOURCES OF 

duced by Cadmus into Greece.* To perpetuate the 
memory of events, and to convey ideas to persons 
absent, invention first suggested the use of figures, or 
images of things intended. When these were found 
inadequate, symbols, emblematic of more complex 
ideas, were adopted. But the defect of these, io 
expressing combinations and abstract ideas, must 
have soon appeared ; and was probablj followed by 
ihe discover}, that a certain combination of arbi- 
trary marks, might be adapted to the expression of 
all articulate sounds. This was doubtless the noblest 
of all inventions, as it has proved a most wonderful 
means of improving the human mind. It not only 
answered the highest expectations of its inventor, 
but doubtless far exceeded all conjecture; as it 
proved to be the father of all the liberal arts and 
sciences, and has continued the widening source of 
knowledge, happiness, and admiration to every age. 

The most ancient of authentic historians, with 
^vhom we are acquainted, is Moses. He was born 
in Egypt 1571 years before Chiist, at a time, as we 
have already remarked, when Egypt was the most 
enlightened of all nations. He, being the adopted 
son of Pharaoh's daughter, was of course educated in 
all their learning. He was born 777 years after 

* Great and respectable authorities advocate the opinion, that 
alphabetical writing was not a human invention, but wholly a 
matter of immediate inspiration. Neither their arguments, nor 
the ansv/ers to them, can be here iiiserted. Much may be said 
on both sides of this question. We shall only observe, that it 
seems paying a useless compliment to revelation, miracle, inspira- 
tion, or any kind ot supernatural agenc}', to be ready to call in 
their aid, in matters where they are not necessary, or to ascribe 
to them, as causes, things which may be easily accounted for 
without them. Besides, it is contrary to a known rule of phi- 
losophy, which forbids us to inquire for more causes of a thing, 
than are sufficient to explain its phenomena. There is not only 
a total want of evidence, that an alphabet was given by inspira- 
tion, but, like all other arts, we seem fully authorized to ascribe 
it to the progress of invention and discovery. Many things in 
the history of literature, both ancient and modern, strongly cor- 
roborate this opinion. 



ANCIENT HISTORY. 33 

the flood. 289 aftrr Ashur I'ounded the Assyrian em- 
pire, and 277 years after tlie death of Sbcm. 

When Moses wrote, alphabetic writing had been 
known in Egypt several centuries ; and, if we con- 
sider the rapid improvements, which that very inge- 
i)ious people made in art and science, T\e shall see 
cause to believe that, in Moses' time, they had made 
very considerable progress. Nor were the Egyp- 
tians the only nation, who improved in science at 
that early period. The Chaldeans or Assy^rians 
were among the first cultivators of the sciences, par- 
ticularly astronomy: so that, as we have already not- 
ed, their astronomical observations began at least 
nineteen hundred years before the time of Alexander. 

The longevity of the ancient nations, which did 
not wholly cease, till some time after the flood ; the 
simplicity of their modes of life ; their being planted 
in luxuriant regions of health and plenty, and their 
genius and spirit of enterprise, will account for the 
rapidity of their improvements and population : so 
that it will be no matter of surprise, if we find, within 
seven hundred years after the deluge, the eastern 
continent generally peopled — if we find populous 
cities, great nations, and extensive empires. 

At the time already mentioned, Moses appeared in 
Egypt, a man whom divine endowments, genius and 
learning, as well as the elevated rank to which he 
was raised by adoption, and which he ornamented 
by his merits, had fitted for an important sphere of 
action, as law-giver, general, prophet, and historian. 
To what was said in a former chapter, concerning 
Moses' advantages in writing the history he wrote, 
we shall here only add, that, as alphabetic writing, 
and of course something of records might have been 
within forty years of the death of Shem, who had 
conversed long with Methusaleh, and he with Adam, 
we cannot doubt that Moses had not only the most 
ancient, but the most correct information concerning 
the things, found in his history. 



34 SOURCES OF 

The history written by Moses, contains nothing 
but what might he looked for in the dictates of a 
being of infinite wisdom 5 and the nature and char- 
acter of the five books called the Pentateuch, exhibit 
as clear a proof of divine inspiration, as the frame of 
the heavens and** earth do, of divine workmanship ; 
and that blindness must be great, which does not 
perceive them to be so. Indeed, it will be found to 
be a truth, that those, who question the one, will also 
doubt the other. 

In this place, we cannot avoid noticing the remark 
of an elegant historian, but who, at times, seems 
capable of assertions equally bold, impious and pro- 
fane.* He asserts, that the God of Moses delighted 
in blood and cruelty. Will that writer deny the 
universaiit}^ of God's providence? Will he affirm, 
that God Almighty delights in cruelty and blood? It 
-will be readily granted, that the nations of Canaan, 
whom Moses and Joshua invaded, had never injured 
the Hebrews. But had the Governor of the uni- 
verse no right to punish them for their wickedness, 
by what instruments he pleased ? Will that writer 
affirm, that the Canaanites were an innocent, virtuous 
people, not deserving what they suffered ? It was far 
otherwise ; and so enormous were their crimes, that 
tiie righteous God of providence saw tit to extirpate 
them from the earth ; to which work he commis- 
sioned the Israelites, and made them the executioners 
of his wrath and vengeance. Were they better than 
the people of Lisbon, Lima, or Portugal, who perish- 
ed by earthquakes? or was the destruction of the 
latter more providential than theirs? or is it essen^ 
tial to justice, that the criminal should always suffer 
by the hand of the injured person ? Even under the 
best governments, criminals ahvays suffer by those, 
whom they never injured. It is the province of 
every good government to provide its own execution- 
ers, and they are often persons who have no knowK 
'* Russell's Ancient Europe. 



ANCIENT HISTORY^. 35 

edge of the criminal. It wns in this way God pun- 
ished the people of Canaan: And who knows the 
extent of their desert? Who can tcU what privileges 
they had abused ? — how they trampled equally on 
divine justice and mercy, and insulted the threat- 
nings, as well as the patience of their Creator ? The 
impious assertion, just noticed, was one of the most 
blasphemous, which ever escaped the mouth of man. 
For " as 1 live, saith the Lord God, I have no plea- 
sure in the death of the wicked, but that the wick- 
ed turn from his way and live." Does the general 
course of divine providence justify our author^s 
assertion? or rather does it not exhibit the clearest 
proof, that God is long-suffering, slow to anger, and 
abundant in goodness and mercy ? 

Next to Moses, the course of whose history is 
traced by Josephus, a Jewish writer of the Augustan 
age, is Herodotus, a Greek historian, who is justly 
called the father of history. He flourished in the 
87th Olympiad, 413 years before Christ. He was 
of the city of Halicarnassus, a maritime city of 
Caria, a colony of the Asiatic Greeks. He wrote 
about a century before Alexander the Great conquer- 
ed Asia, while the Persian empire was still in its 
strength, while Egypt remained the august scat of 
learning, near the sacking of Rome by Brennus, and 
while the Grecian repubhcs were yet free, virtuous, 
and powerful. 

Herodotus had travelled much in Western Asia — 
had visited the venerable seats of the ancient em- 
pires. His general history was divided into nine 
books. When he read his history to the learned 
assembly of Greece, they gave to his books the 
names of the nine Muses, as a testimony of the high 
sense they entertained of their superlative merit. 
He wrote in the Ionic dialect. 

Xenopon, a Greek historian, wrote about half a 
century after Herodotus. He had commanded an 
army in Persia, in the time of the younger Cyrus ; 



36 SOURCES or 

and had conducted the retreat of ten thousand 
Greeks from the heart of the Persian empire ; an 
event much celebrated in ancient history. The style 
of Xenophon is simple, nervous and elegant ; and it 
can scarcely be doubted, that something of the glory 
of the great Cyrus, has been owing to his pen. 

The Iliad of Homer is a source of abundant infor- 
mation. Several cities in ancient Greece, claim the 
honor of giving him birth. He wrote 907 years before 
the Christian era. From his poems, we may learn 
the manners and customs of his time ; the modes of- 
life, and of making war ; and the notions of honor, 
morality, religion, and government, which prevailed. 

The genius of Homer was strong and rapid. To 
a great extent of knowledge, he added equal purity 
and elegance of taste. His notions of character 
were just, vivid, and distinguishing; so that, as is 
said of another ancient writer, " his description is 
vision." Ossian, the Scottish bard, resembled, if not 
excelled, him in strength and boldness of imagina- 
tion. While Virgil is compared to the meanders of 
a majestic river through a rich and fruitful land. 
Homer is compared to a stroke of lightning, which 
in a moment dazzles, astonishes, and is past. 

Homer's Iliad will ever be considered an astonish- 
ing display of genius ; but of that kind of genius, 
however, which is rather terrible than lovely. The 
characters, which he drew, fully evince the truth of 
this remark. 

A character more unlovely, than that of Achilles, 
cannot well be imagined. Indeed, strength and 
courage are the favorite virtues of Homer ; under 
whose burning pen, they often degenerate into cru- 
elty, barbarity and revenge. War, blood and deso- 
lation, form the prominent features of the Iliad; and 
render ir, of all books, the most suitable pocket com- 
panion Ar Alexander the Grrat. 

Thucydide«, Pol)bius, Diodorus Siculus, Dionysius 
of Halicarnassus, and many other writers before the 



ANCIENT HISTORY. 37 

Christian era; and, about that time and a little after, 
Livy, Pliny, Tacitus, Suetonius, Plutarch, and others; 
and among the Roman writers also, the names of 
Justin, Sallust, Virgil, and Cicero, should be noticed. 
These writers, although they all did not write his- 
tory, yet all contributed more or less, to perpetuate 
the important transactions of their times. To the 
labors of these men, the world is indebted for most 
of what is known of ancient history. 

Many of the writings of Cicero, have reached our 
times ; but there is reason to believe that some of his 
most excellent productions are lost. Cicero's works 
have been more fortunate, than those of most of his 
predecessors or contemporaries. It is thought that 
the ancients excelled the morderns in genius. How- 
ever this might be, it can scarcely be doubted, that 
they excelled in what is of more value than genius, 
even industry. 

There is another source, from whence some know- 
ledge of antiquity is obtained; I mean^ the ruins of 
those amazing structures, towers, palaces, and tem- 
ples, which are scattered in many parts of Europe, 
Asia and Africa. This, indeed, would have been a 
much more fruitful source of knowledge, but for the 
repeated and too successful efforts of barbarians and 
hostile armies, to strip them of their ornaments, to 
tarnish their beauties, and to erase their inscriptions. 
These monuments of ancient power, magniiicence 
and splendor, are scattered along the coast of the 
Mediterranean, on the northen shores of Africa, 
and indeed in many other parts of the ancient world. 
One would scarcely believe, after knowing the pre- 
sent wretched state of Africa, that it was once reckon- 
ed the highest state of luxury to reside there — that, 
as a residence, it was preferred to France, or Spain, 
or Italy;* and that even Italy itself drew its corn from 
the fruitful fields of Africa.! Egvpt and Carthage were 

* The Africa so delightful to the ancients, was but a small part 
of the quarter of the world, now known by that name. — -Ed. 
t *' Quidquid de Libycis verritur areis."— Horace, 
4 



38 SOURCES OF ANCIENT HISTORY. 

once great and flourishing empires : the former dis- 
puted with the Assyrians and Greeks, and the latter 
with the Romans, for supremacy. The pyramids of 
Egypt, as they are the oldest monuments of ancient 
greatness, so they are certainly the most stupendous 
monuments of patient and persevering labor. From 
the earliest ages of history, they have stood, and have 
defied the waste of time, and the desolations of war. 
To demolish the pyramids, would require more than 
the strength of a few individuals, and more than the 
perseverance of a barbarian army : therefore they 
stand, and will probably stand for numerous ages to 
come. The reader may see, in Thompson's, Volney's, 
and Bruce'stravels,aparticularaccountofthe remains 
of antiquity in Syria, Egypt, and some other parts. 

The ancient monuments, found in Asia and Eu- 
rope, are indicative of far greater perfection of taste 
and sublimity of design, than those already mention- 
ed. To mere extension of parts, the Greeks added 
proportion. Materials of the finest quality, wrought 
■with the utmost skill into buildings of noble form, 
majestic size, and elegant proportion, gave them an 
air of sublimity, probably never to be excelled. But 
by how much these buildings displayed genius and 
science, by so much were they the more exposed to 
the savage fury of war. A few of them have es- 
caped, which make report to us of the astonishing 
genius of the ancients, which we never could have 
obtained from books. What must Athens have been 
in the days of Pericles ! 

The ruins of Persepolis, Palmyra, and Balbeck, of 
which all travellers, who have seen them, speak with 
admiration and amazement, tell us more than we 
could learn from volumes, concerning the opulence, 
power, and genius of their builders, and of the 
splendor and glory of their times. In all parts of 
Greece and Italy, and even co-extensive with the 
power of the ancient Romans, the remains of their 
grandeur may be seen in causeways, bridges, camps, 
castles, waHs, temples, and monuments. 



VIEW OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE, 39 

The celebrated Arundelian marbles, the numerous 
inscriptions, the remains of statues, medals, and 
paintings, which have been discovered in vaults, or 
dug from ruins, or which have been preserved in 
sequestered places or found by accident, increase 
the body of evidence, cast a certain light on various 
parts of history, and determine many chronological 
questions of importance. 

These evidences of antiquitj^, standing singly, 
would lose much of their weight ; hut, combined, 
they substantiate and confirm each other; and, con- 
sidered in their vaiious connexions and relations, 
there no longer remains a doubt of their veracity. 
Their combined testimonies give strength to each 
other singly, and in their sum they form a body of 
evidence, as clear and irresistible, as any case of 
ocular demonstration. Jt will be found as difficult to 
doubt whether Alexander was king of Macedon, and 
conquered Persia, as whether George Washington 
was general and president in America.* 



CHAPTER IV. 

ASSYRIA. 

BRIEF HISTORICAL VIE^V OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE,! FROM 
ITS FOUNDATION TO THE REIGN OF NINYAS. 

THE history of the world, for the first eighteen 
centuries, is nearly buried in oblivion. From the 
creation to the deluge, little more has reached us, 

* In the following work, we have followed one or another of 
the preceding authors, as occasion served, or have taken their 
accounts indirectly through the hands of mordern writers ; among 
which we have consulted more particularly the following, viz. 
Rollin"'s Ancient History, Russel's Ancient Europe, Gillies' 
Greece, Travels of Anacfiarsis, Prideaux's Connexion, Bedford's 
Chronology, the Encyclopedia, Kennett's Roman Antiquities, 
Goldsmith"'s Abridgment of Roman History. 

t The Assyrian empire is here considered the same, as the 
Babylonian empire.— Ed, 



aV> VIEW OP THE 

than the genealogy of the patriarchs, together with 
a brief account of the vices of the antediluvians, and 
of the ruin which they incurred. 

The first dawn of the light of civil history, extends 
not beyond the foundation of the ancient kingdom of 
Babylon, or Assyrian empire ; and even there, it 
shines with faint and dubious beam. 

Nimrod laid the foundation of the city and of the 
kingdom of Babylon. The beginning of his king- 
dom, saith the sacred historian, was Babel, and 
Erech, and Accad, and Calneh, in the land of Shi- 
nar. Nimrod was the son of Cush, grandson of Ham, 
and great grandson of Noah. The era, in which the 
foundation of this first of empires was laid, is fixed, 
by the concurrence of most chronologers, in the 
year of the world 1800, about a century and a half 
after the deluge, and 2204 years before the birth of 
Christ. 

There is nothing known respecting the character 
and government of Nimrod, excepting what we find 
in the writings of Moses ; and the account there 
given is very concise. He is called a mighty hunter, 
and is said to have had a kingdom, the beginning of 
which was Babel, or Babylon. The probability is, 
that Ham and his sons, who founded Babylon and 
Egypt, early rebelled against Noah, the great patri- 
archal head and natural chief of the whole race ; 
whereupon Noah, and such of his descendants as 
adhered to him, moved eastward, crossing Persia, 
India and China,* to avoid the fury of this unnatural 
rebellion. 

Noah would be most likely to emigrate, or to settle, 
with one of his sons, on whom his prophetic bene- 
diction rested, and especially with Shem, whom he 
considered in the line of the Messiah. Elam, the 
eldest son of Shem, settled in Persia, and it is highly 
probable, that Noah himself went still further east. 
The great antiquity of the Chinese empire, their 
original character ao^ maoners, and the peculiarity 



ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 41 

of their language, both written and spoken, are pnbofs, 
tliat they are one of the most ancient nations and 
governments, and that their founders were among the 
wisest of the human race. To this, if we add the 
abundance of their traditions concerning the flood, 
and of things which with little alteration will apply 
to Noah and to him only, we can scarcely doubt, that 
either that patriarch, or some of his descendants 
Dear his time, founded that empire. To all this, if 
we add the silence of Moses' history concerning Noah 
after the flood, we shall be confirmed in the belief, 
that he actually retired from Western Asia, the gen- 
eral scene of that history ; and, for reasons equally 
strong, shall see no room to conjecture, that he 
moved northward into the cold inhospitable wilds of 
Europe. That region was left to be explored and 
settled by some of his more hardy, enterprising sons. 

The career of government began with simple mon- 
archy. It was no doubt first suggested, by the au- 
thority, which nature gives the parent over his child : 
for, no sooner did, experience show the utility of 
combiiiing the strength of a multitude in one exer- 
tion, than the importance of a centre of union, was 
seen. To give energy and system to any combina- 
tion, to render it durable, wieldy and effective, there 
must be a directing head* 

A discerning ambitious man, clothed with patri- 
archal authority, might soon see numberless ways of 
extending his prerogative, and strengthening the 
nerves of his power. Indeed, before parental autho- 

•' was amenable to a higher court, it is not easy to 
ct.- xive of a monarchy more unlimited. In a num- 
ber of particular families, the chief of each house 
would form a subordinate rank : they would naturally 
give place to the heads of tribes, and each of them 
unite in one patriarch, or grand chief. Such, proba- 
bly, was Nimrod. By what other means, less lauda- 
ble, he raised himself to power, is only matter of 
conjecture. 

4* 



42 VIEW OF THE 

We have already said, that Nimrod's achievements 
are not particularly known. He first employed his 
arms successfully against wild beasts, and became, as 
Moses stiles him, a mighty hunter. He next made 
war upon his own species, and founded his empire 
in blood. But we remain ignorant of the extent of 
his dominions, or the duration of his reign. His 
son and successor was Ninus, whose name, together 
with that of Semiramis, is rendered famous by the 
exploits they are said to have done. Ninus built 
the city of Nineveh, which is said to have been 60 
miles in circumference, inclosed by a wall 100 feet 
high, and fortified with 1500 towers 200 feet high. 
Ninus engaged in many wars, and enlarged his do- 
minions on every side, particularly eastward; for he 
is said to have led armies into India. Semiramis, 
his queen, who survived him many years, and reign- 
ed in great glory, rendered her name immortal, by 
an extraordinary course of splendid actions. Many 
superb structures and works of magnificence about 
Babylon, are ascribed to her ; in the building of 
which she employed two millions of men. 

If historians deserve credit, ancient Babylon was 
the noblest city ever built by man. It stood on a 
fertile and beautiful plain, watered by the river Eu- 
phrates, which passed through the midst of the city. 
Its walls, which were carried to the astonishing 
height of 360 feet, were 87 feet in thickness^ and 
inclosed an exact square, whose side r*ras 15 miles; 
so that the city was 60 miles in circuit. There were 
fifty grand streets, that is, twenty-five running each 
way, on right lines parallel to each other. They 
were 160 feet wide, and crossing each other at right 
angles, they all terminated in four streets, which lay 
round next to the wall on every side of the city, 200 
feet wide. Thus the city was laid into 676 squares 
of 100 rods on each side. These squares were lined 
with numberless edifices beside houses generally 
three or four stories high ; and within the squares 



ASSYRIAN EMPIRE, 43 

were innumerable delightful plantations ; pleasure 
grounds and gardens. But this must be understood 
of the city rather as it was in the days of Nebuchad- 
nezzar, or Nitocris his daughter-in-law, than as it 
was in the days of Semiramis. 

Though the city stood on a plain, yet the celebrat- 
ed hanging gardens overlooked the walls. They 
raised a square of buildings four hundred feet on 
each side, internally supported by arches raised on 
arches, and without by a massy wall many yards in 
thickness. These works were carried up to the 
height of the wall, and over all a platform was laid 
four hundred feet square, formed by flat stones of an 
amazing size, over which were layers of reeds, then 
bricks cemented, and plates of lead, and then the 
earth fo,r the garden, in such thickness as to support 
trees of the largest size. They were watered by 
an engine from the bed of the Euphrates. Brevity 
forbids, that we give a description of the tower of 
Babel, forty rods square at the bottom, and upwards 
of 600 feet high, or the moat which encompassed 
the walls, the bridge over the Euphrates, the pala- 
ces and the subterraneous ways. 

Many of these wonderful edifices, are supposed to 
have been built by Semiramis. She carried her 
arms far 'lutq Ethiopia, and stil< farther into India, 
where she was at last defeated with a total over- 
thiow by an Indian king. These early conquests 
were far different, Doth in their nature and conse- 
quences, Irom those afterwards made by the Greeks 
and Romans. They were more easily gained and 
lost. Indeed, the progresses made by Semiramis, 
Sesostris, and others, through Asia and Africa, were 
little more than excursions of discovery. They 
moved at the head of an immense multitude, without 
order, or much resistance, and lived upon rapine and 
hunting. In these times, not only fortification, but 
the military art, was unknown. Of course, wher« 
ever they went, they carried conquest ; which was 



44 VIEW OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 

generally holden by no other band of security, than 
the weak and savage state of the conquered. 

But the accounts we have of those early times, 
are, in sundry respects, exaggerated, especially with 
regard to the greatness of their cities and conquests. 
Herodotus affirms, however, that Babylon maintain- 
ed her conquests 500 years. 

Serniramis after a reign of 42 years, abdicated her 
gnvernment to her son JNinyas. Few females have 
been moie famous for their masculine virtues. Per- 
haps no one ever stood higher on the list of heroes 
and conquerors. As to those virtues, which beautify 
and adorn the female character, historians have little 
to say of her. 

Ninyas succeeded his mother. In what year of 
the city, it is not ascertained ; nor is it a matter of 
consequence, since, from this period, the history of 
the Assyrian empire, is utterly lost for more than a 
thousand years. Tradition has scarcely reported the 
names of the succeeding monarchs. They were ex- 
traordinary for nothing, but luxury, sloth, idleness 
and the most horrid tyranny. 

The provinces of the empire, during that period, 
had little more than a mere nominal subjection to 
those detestable tyrants ; probably for the most part, 
none at all; and without doubt, the pomp of univer- 
sal empire, was generally confined to the proud capi- 
tals Babylon and Nineveh. The Trojan war took 
place some time after the middle period of the Assy- 
rian empire; but Homer makes no mention of the 
Assyrian greatness ; a fact, which, had it existed, 
could not have escaped his pervading mind, nor 
wanted a place in his historical, gec.graphical and 
martial poem. As the universal conquests of Sesos- 
tris, king of Egypt, are said to have happened a little 
before the Trojan war, Babylon and Nineveh must 
have lain central m his sweep of conquest, and it is 
not likely, he passed them by, but that his eastern 
career of victory, was begun by the reduction of those 



THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 45 

proud cities. Would he go to the conquest of India, 
and leave the Assyrian empire in his rear, powerful, 
independent and hostile ? The misfortune of the case 
is, that the glory and conquests of Sesostris, are as 
dubious, as those of the Assyrians; and they certainly 
could not have existed together. The Assyrian em- 
pire, first and last, was probably less in fact, than it» 
is in history. 



CHAPTER V. 

THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE, TROM THE REIGN OF NINYAS TO 
THE FALL OF NINEVEH. 

THE successors of Ninyas, the s^ of Semiramis, 
are little known in history. The seat of their gov- 
ernment, or rather of their enormities, was alter- 
nately at Babylon and Nineveh. About 1450 years 
after the empire was founded by Nimrod, we find 
Sardanapalus reigning at Nineveh. If we may sup^ 
pose, that the line of succession was unbroken, from 
the warlike Semiramis to him, than which nothing is 
more probable, he was the last of that degenerate 
race of kings. From the silence of Homer, from the 
power and conquests of the kings of Egypt, from the 
figure Amraphel, king of Shinar, made in the days of 
Abraham, as stated in Genesis, and from the profound 
oblivion of the Assyrian history during so long a 
time, it is probable, that the Assyrian monarchy was 
broken, dissolved, perhaps annihilated, and that it 
must have undergone revolutions, exterminating 
wars, and petty tyrannies, at various times. 

However that may be, in the time, and during the 
reign, of Sardanapalus, history seems a little to emerge 
from darkness. That prince, being rendered weak 
and despicable by his vices, Arbaces, governor of 
Media, and Belesis, goyernor of Babylon, rebelled 



46 THE ASSYRIAN ExMPIRE. 

against him, defeated him in battle, and drove him 
into his capital, where he is said to have destroyed 
his treasures, and burned himself to death. 

The result of this rebellion was the dismember- 
ment of the Assyrian empire. The province of Me- 
dia gained its liberty. A king, by the name of Ninus 
the younger, was established in Nineveh, and Belesis, 
one of the conspirators, became master of Babylon, 
as a separate kingdom. He is called in history, 
Nabonassar. 

The beginning of the reign of Nabonassar, which 
was 747 years before Christ, is supposed to be the 
first era, from whence the line of civil history can be 
with certainty drawn. Nabonassar was contempo- 
rary with Jotham king of Judah, and his era com- 
menced within six years of the founding of Rome. 

This revolutidn, although it rent the Assyrian em- 
pire in pieces, neither impaired the splendor nor 
magnificence of Nineveh or Babylon. Those cities 
now became the seats of independent princes, and 
distinct empires; and doubtless derived benefit from 
their new masters. But neither the history of the 
one, nor the other, is entirely known. From Nabo- 
nassar to the final subversion of the empire by Cyrus, 
was 210 years; during which period, considerable 
light is thrown on the subject, by the sacred writings. 

Concerning two important circumstances, we shall 
notice, first, the repeated irruptions of the Assyrian 
kings into Judah and Israel, and their depredations 
on the neighboring nations; and secondly, their car- 
rying away Judah and Israel into captivity. 

We are told, 2 Kings, xv. 19, that Pul, king of As- 
syria, came into the land of Israel, and Menahem 
gave hiin a thousand talents of silver, to conciliate 
his favor and protection. That this was a powerful 
invasion, we need no other proof, than the pricp with 
which the Assyrian king was bought off. This inva» 
sion, however, was 24 years before the era of Nabo- 
nassar. 



THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 47 

Nabonassar, after a reign of twelve years, was suc- 
ceeded by his son Merodach-Baladan, of whom little 
is known. This prince was in friendship with the 
Jews, and sent an embassy to congratulate king He- 
zekiah on the recovery of his health. From this 
period, the history of Babylon disappears, till the 
time of its union with Nineveh, under the govern- 
ment of Esarhaddon. But, in the mean time, the 
Assyrian kings of Nineveh were generally hostile and 
formidable to the nation of Israel. 

Tiglath-Pileser, the first king of Nineveh after the 
partition of the empire, was called in by Ahaz, king 
of Judah, to assist him against the kings of Syria and 
Israel. He came with a powerful army, and put a 
period to the kingdom of Syria, by taking Damascus, 
its chief city. He severely scourged the kingdom of 
Israel, whose dissolution now drew nigh; and proved 
a costly and dangerous ally to Judah, Ahaz being 
obliged to rob the temple of its sacred treasures, to 
appease his avarice. An account of this is given, 
2 Kings, xvi. 7. This was in the year 740, B. C. 

About 20 years afterwards, Shalmaneser invaded 
and subdued Israel. He besieged Samaria, the capi- 
tal of the kingdom, three years ; at length took it, and 
carried the ten tribes into captivity, and planted them 
in Media. This event happened about 250 years 
after the separation of Israel from Judah. From 
this captivity, the ten tribes never returned. The 
probability is, that they soon mingled with other na- 
tions, lost all distinction of origin, and will emerge to 
light no more. The inventive imaginations of theo- 
rists have discovered traces of them among the 
Turks, Tartars, American savages, and elsewhere. 
But when we consider the chararter of the ten tribes, 
their proneness to idolatry, and to incorporate with 
other nations, which, in their most pure and virtuous 
times, could not be prevented by their wisest legisla- 
tors, even when they were a distinct and independent 
nation ; when we consider the revolutions, tyrannies, 



48 THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 

barbarity, and ignorance of Asiatic tribes in all ages * 
when we consider the great len^ h of time, and other 
auxiliary circumstances, we are strongly led to this 
conclusion; still allowing full weight and authoritj^ 
to ancient scripture prophecy, from which nothing 
certain on this subject can be discovered. 

After a reign of fourteen years, Shalmaneser died, 
and was succeeded by his son Sennacherib. An ac- 
count of his formidable invasion of Judah, in the reign 
of Hezekiah is particularly related, 2 Kings, xviii. 13. 
He invaded Judah with a powerful army; in the mean 
time defeated the king of Egypt, who was coming to 
relieve the Jews, and would have probably taken 
Jerusalem; but his army was suddenly destroyed by 
pestilence. He returned to Nineveh, where he 
played the tyrant with so high a hand, that his own 
sons assassinated him in the temple of Nisroch ; and 
iie was suceeded in his throne by Esarhaddon. 

During the reign of this prince, the royal familj'^ of 
the kings of Babylon became extinct, and there was 
an interregnum of 8 years: the weak and disordered 
state occasioned by this, enabled Esarhaddon, who 
was a wise and politic prince, to annex Babylon to 
his dominions. Thus, after a separation of 67 years, 
these two powerful kingdoms again became one : but 
this union, together with its happy fruits, was of 
short duration. The final destiny of Nineveh was 
now fast approaching: a rival power was rising to 
maturity, and ready to burst, with utter destruction, 
upon that proud empire. 

Esarhaddon, thirteen years after the union of Ba- 
bylon with Nineveh, was succeeded by his son Na- 
buchodonosor.* This prince defeated and slew Phra- 
ortes, king of the Medes, in a great battle, and took 
Ecbatana, the capital of Media. This defeat, how- 
ever, did not check the martial spirit or rapid growth 
of that warlike nation. It was left for the sons of 

* " Nabuchodonosor was a name among the Babylonians com- 
monly given to their kings, as that of Pharaoh was among the 
Egyptians." — Prideaux. 



THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 49 

the victors and vanquished to act the last scene, and 
conclude the drama ol" the first of the eastern empires. 

Cyaxares I. the son and successor of Phraortes, 
was soon at the head of a numerous and well appoint- 
ed army. Determining to revenge the death of his 
father, he marched directly into Assyria, encountered 
and defeated an army thrown in his way, and imme- 
di 'Jelj invested Nineveh, He would probably have 
taken it, but was obliged to raise the siege, and march 
in haste to defend his own territories. The Scythians, 
a race of warlike savages, inhabiting the wilds of 
Europe and Asia, had driven before them the Cim- 
merians, a people equally savage, and nearly as terri- 
ble, dwelling near the Palus Meotis. These, in num- 
berless hordes, were depopulating (he fertile fields of 
Asia, and had invaded the dominions of Cyaxares. 
The Medes were defeated by them in several battles, 
and the Scythians remained masters of most coun- 
tries between the Caspian, Black and Mediterranean 
Seas, a great part of Upper Asia,* for several years. 
We shall speak more particularly of them in our 
review of the Persian empire. 

While the king of Media was wagino^ doubtful war 
with the Scythians, Nabopollassar, governor of Baby- 
lon, revolted from the king of INineveh, and set up 
an independent government. In this he was encour- 
aged by Cyaxares, who had not changed his purpose 
of subduing Nineveh. Saracus, king of Nineveh, 
although menaced by such potent enemies, adopted 
no efficient system of defence; but, dissolved in 
luxury, and lost to all sense of glory, he supinely 
waited the gathering storm. 

Cyaxares at length rid himself of the Scythian in- 
vaders, by a stroke of policy, which nothing but the 
emergency of the times, and manners of the age, 
could warrant. He invited the chief officers of the 
Scythian army to a general feast, prepared in various 
parts, where, in the midst of mirth and intoxication, 
* Upper Asia included Armenia, Pontus, Colchis and Iberia. — Ed. 
5 



so THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 

his guards, and others appointed for that purpose, 
fell furiously upon them and killed them all, without 
resistance. 

Cyaxares once more invaded the Assyrian empire, 
assisted by Nebuchadnezzar,* king of Babylon. 
These two powerful princes accomplished the final 
subversion and abolition of the first Assyrian empire. 
Nineveh was taken and destroyed. 

A sublime description is given of the fall of this 
ancient city by the prophet Nahum. From that also, 
we may form some idea of its greatness and splendor. 
This event happened B.C. 600, and in the 147th 
year of Nabonassar's era. 

The Assyrian empire rose, flourished, and fell, 
while the world was yet in its infancy. Few maxims 
of its government have reached our times; few inci- 
dents have escaped oblivion ; and those which have, 
are doubtless tinctured with the stream of tradition, 
passing through long and bewildering tracts of time. 
From what we can gather from such dubious lights, 
we are led to conclude, that the fabric of the ancient 
monarchical governments, was very simple. It may 
be expressed in few words, sovereign power, and 
absolute subjection. Where the monarch chanced to 
be an amiable character, the condition of the subject 
was very tolerable ; but power so unrestrained, in 
the hands of a bad man, produced the most dreadful 
tyranny. 

In every form of government, sovereign power must 
be lodged somewhere. Power, considered merely as 
corporeal strength, is naturally, in the hands of every 
man, nearly alike ; and the machine of government 
is a device, by which the power of many is combined 
and called forth by consent, in one great exertion. 
To call forth and exert this combination, the monaich 
has the sole powe/. He therefore can do whatever 
all his people, collectively, can do. His will directs 
their whole strength. In mixed governments, espe- 
cially in republics, this national exertion is obtained, 
* Nebuchadnezzar was the son of Nabopollassar. — Ed, 



THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. . 51 

not by the will of one, but of many, who are chosen 
by the people for that purpose. But in this latter 
case, individuals commonly find means to obtain the« 
real, while, in the former, the monarch often holds 
only the nominal sovereignty. 

The splendor and greatness of Nineveh, as of all 
other great cities in early times, consisted chiefly in 
their public buildings. The dwellings of the great 
mass of the people, were little better than wretched 
hovels— without, unornamented, and within, unfur- 
nished. Indeed, this is still the case in most of the 
great cities of Asia. Nineveh and Babylon contained 
little worthy of notice, except their walls, towers, 
temples, palaces, and superb structures of royalty. 
How incomparably more magnificent are the modern 
cities of London or Paris, when viewed as the abodes 
of men. Here are seen, monuments of every art and 
science ; the astonishing effects of commerce ; opu- 
lence and independence reigning among all classes ; 
the diffusion of knowledge; the reign of science, 
freedom and plenty. The private houses of modern 
cities appear to be the residence of a free people, 
enjoying no small portion of wealth, independence 
and happiness. 



CHAPTER VI. 

THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE, FROM THE DESTRUCTION OF NIN- 
EVEH TO THE TAKING OF BABYLON, BY CYRUS. 

BABYLON now remained unrivalled, and alone. 
The city consisted of a mighty assemblage of the 
most amazing structures, temples, towers, palaces and 
walls — works of incredible labor and expense, where 
millions had toiled, and groaned in painful servitude. 
These buildings were rather admirable for their stu- 
pendous greatness, than for elegance and due propor- 
tion in architecture. As for the rules and propoiv 
tioos ix). building, they were in a great measure im- 



52 THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 

known, and the different orders of architecture were 
yet to be discovered. They had nothing comparable 
with the temple of Minerva or of Balbec. For the 
noble science of architecture, the world is indebted 
to the strong and mathematical genius and elegant 
taste of the ancient Greeks. 

Nebuchadnezzar was now on the throne of Baby- 
lon ; and the extent of his dominions was answerable 
to the splendor of his capital. But there were two 
cities, whose fame and opulence rendered them ob- 
jects worthy of his ambition : one was Jerusalem, the 
other was Tyre ; the latter of which was one of the 
strongest cities then known. 

The siege of Jerusalem employed him two years; 
which, however, he at length terminated, by the utter 
destruction of that noble city. In the nineteenth 
year of his reign, he burnt Solomon's temple and 
carried the Jews to Babylon ; where they remained 
70 years. Four years after, he hesiegfid the city of 
Tyre; the reduction of which was the most arduous 
enterprise of his life. Tyre had stood, from its 
foundation, 660 years ; having never been taken by 
any foreign power. After the Chaldean army had 
suffered incredible hardships, and consumed 13 years 
in infinite labors, the city v»'as taken ; not, however, 
till the inhabitants had removed their principal effects 
to an island, about half a mile from the shore. Here 
a new city rose, which soon eclipsed the glory of the 
former; a striking proof of the power of commerce. 
This new Tyre still flourished, and even far trans- 
cended its former state. When attacked by Alex- 
ander the Great, nearly three centuries afterwards, 
it was able to resist the impetuous valor and unri- 
valled skill of tliat great commander; nor is it prob- 
able, he ever could have taken it, but by making 
himself master of the sea. Of this siege, we shall 
speak hereafter. 

Nebuchadnezzar reigned prosperously 43 years. 
Something of his history and character may be coU 



THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 53 

iected from the sacred writings. He found no equal 
annong the neighboring contemporary princes; he 
extended his conquests far and wide; was the great- 
est monarch of his time, and doubtless the greatest 
that ever ruled the Assyrian empire. 

Babylon had now seen the zenith of its glory, and 
was soon to suffer a final and total eclipse. Four 
princes in succession, after Nebuchadnezzar, are re- 
membered only to perpetuate their infamy, and to 
merit the just reproach of bringing ruin on themselves 
and people. Evil-Merodach, Nebuchadnezzar's son 
and successor, was taken off by insurrection. He 
was succeeded by Neriglissar, his brother-in-law. 
This prince was soon slain by the armies of the 
Modes and Persians. His successor, Laborosoar- 
chod, still more infamous, reigned only nine months, 
and fell by conspiracy. To him succeeded Belshaz- 
zar, in whose reign Babylon was taken by Cyrus. 
This great city, justly considered as impregnable to 
every open and direct attack, was taken by strata- 
gem ; which we shall relate in speaking of the Modes 
and Persians. Belshazzar was surprised in the midst 
of a public feast — was slain in the gate of his palace; 
and the kingdom of Babylon became extinct, being 
the last branch of the ancient Assyrian empire, 210 
years after its separation from Nineveh. 

Thus ended the second Assyrian empire, having 
subsisted, in various forms, 1668 years from the days 
of Nimrod. Babylon, however, still the noblest of 
all cities, about twenty years after it was taken by 
Cyrus, revolted from Darius Hystaspes, then in the 
fifth year of his reign, and made preparations for a 
long and desperate resistance ; but was agjain taken 
by stratagem. Zopyrus, the general of Darius, suf- 
fering his nose and ears to be cut off, fled into the 
city, pretendedly as a deserter. His military skill 
soon procured him a command in the city ; he open- 
ed the gates and let in the Persian army« A traitor 
should be suspected, but never trusted. Alexander 
5* 



54 THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 

intended to have made Babylon his capital. It only 
furnished him with an untimely grave. It has been 
desolated for many ages ; the pleasant country 
around it becoming a morass by the overflowing of 
the Euphrates, its place is not exactly known -* and 
it has lain wholly desolate, and without inhabitant, 
from generation to generation — literally fulfilling the 
predictions of Isaiah the prophet. 

The ancient Assyrian empire, exclusive of its ex- 
tensive conquests, comprehended much of wliat is 
now called Turkey in Asia: territories lying about 
the rivers Euphrates and Tigris. It stretched north- 
ward towards the Caspian and Black Seas, with a 
dubious boundary on Circassia; west and north-west 
it spread towards the Mediterranean Sea, and met 
Syria and Palestine ; south and south-west lay the 
Persian gulf and Arabia ; and east, the ancient Media 
and Persia; though, indeed, all these territories and 
many more, were at times, subjugated to that mon- 
archy. 

In glancing an eye at the rise and fall of the 
ancient nations, it would be highly useful and inter- 
esting, could we develop, with certainty, the sources 
of their prosperity, and the causes of their fall. But 
if this inquiry is attended with inexplicable difficul- 
ties in instances the most recent, how remote from 
investigation is it in the first governments which ever 
existed? National prosperity may be considered in 
two points of light : 1 . When a nation, considered as 
a body, is powerful, respected, rich, and eminent in 
the view of surrounding nations : or 2. When a na- 
tion is in such a state, that the individuals, who com- 
pose it, are prosperous, happy, and secure. 

In some instances these two kinds of national pros- 
perity h^ve united for a lime ; but those instances 
have beep rare, and that union, of short continuance. 

* It is supposed, that the place and ruins of ancient Babylon 
have been recently discovered. See H^llah in Worcester's Uri!= 
versal Gazetteer. — Ed. . 



PERSIA. 55 

History presents many examples of the first. Such, 
indeed, were all the ancient monarchies ; such was 
the empire of Constantine the Great, of Charlen^agnc, 
of Ghenghis Khan, of Charles V. of Louis XIV. — 
and we might come still nearer our time. But what 
histories shall we consult to find examples of the 
second ? If we judge from the most prohai>le sources 
of conjecture, concerning individual happiness, in 
those empires of most splendid figure in history, our 
conclusions will not be very favorable. Where mil- 
lions are subject to the control and arbitrary direction 
of one, however good may be his intention, yet he will 
err, through vanity, through weakness, through pas- 
sion ; but, above all, throughi gnorance. Vainly rely- 
ing on his own sagacity, prudence and foresigfit, he 
will use his power to its extent; he will form designs, 
and strike into projects, in the compass of which, the 
rights, if not the lives, of thousands and millions, will 
be crushed, and their sighs and groans never heard. 
But nothing is more uncertaiji, than any compari- 
son we can make of the happiness of nations ; for in 
all governments, sovereign power must be exercised 
by certain hands, either hereditary or elective ; and 
as all men are ambitious of power, it is a question, 
what form of government contains the most of pri- 
vate happiness. If popular governments are more 
equitable, they are, at the same time, most feeble, 
most liable to convulsions, and revolutions, and of 
shortest duration- 



CHAPTER VII. 
MEDIA AND PERSIA. 

THE PERSIAN EMPIRE, FROM ITS FOUNDATION TO THE 
BIRTH OF CYRUS. 

THE Medes and Persians are considered as the 
descendants of Shcm, the son of Noah, and of the 
family of Elam. There is little known of that great 



50 P.ERSIA, 



and powerful people, but from Herodotus, Xenophon* 
and the sacred writings. Their empire, in its full 
extent, extended from India to Ethiopia, and from the 
waters of India and Arabia to the Caspian and Black 
Seas. It was with them, as it was with all the great 
ejnpires of ancient times; their boundaries were fre- 
quently dubious, and always varying. Indeed, the 
present empire of Russia is a similar instance, the 
emperor himself, and his ministers, scarcely knowing 
its real limits and extent^ for which there is good 
reason : their boundaries may be compared to those 
places, where the land and sea dispute for empire, 
and prevail by turns. Their subjection is but nomi- 
nal ; and such is their distance from the seat of gov- 
ernment, so wild and ferocious their manners, that 
correct intelligence can hardly keep pace with the 
rapidity of their revolutions. 

Tho Assyrian empire, the centre of which was 
about the river Euphrates, early subjugated all the 
different tribes and nations, from the river Indus to 
the isthmus of Suez. Of course the Persian territo- 
ries were included. But before the revolt of Media 
from that empire, the history of the Medes and Per- 
sians, is unknown, it has been already noticed, that 
Arbaces, governor of Media, taking advantage of the 
weak administration of Sardanapalus, king of Assyria, 
formed a conspiracy, and concentrated a combination 
of powers against him, which proved his overthrow, 
and the dismemberment of his kingdom. 

Babylon, Nineveh, and Media became distinct and 
independent governments.* Of the history of the 

* The opinion of Prideaux, that Nineveh and Media remained 
united under Arbaces, appears much more probable. " The an- 
cient empire of the Assyrians, which had governed Asia above 
thirteen hundred years, being dissolved, there arose up two em- 
pires in its stead, the one founded bj Arbaces, governor of Media, 
and the other by Belesis, governor of Babylon ; — Belesis had Ba- 
bylon, Chaldea and Arabia, and Arbaces all the jest.*" Prideaux' 
CqnftCQtion, Vol. I. p. 1. — Ed. 



PERSIA. 57 

two former, wo have drawn the outline : indeed, lit- 
tle more has escaped oblivion, and reached our times. 
While those great powers were going to decay, the 
Medes and Persians, like most nations in their youth, 
acquired a military spiiit ; and being uncorrupted 
\yith luxury and vice, they adopted happy methods 
of discipline and internal order, which could not fail 
of giving energy to their counsels, and succi;ss and 
renown to their arms. 

Some time after the separation of Media from the 
Assyrian empire, Dejoces, a powerful chief of that 
country, erected it into a monarchy. He was a wise 
and politic prince. His character is highly celebrat- 
ed by Herodotus and others. It is worthy of remark, 
that most nations, in the tirst of their career, are led 
and ruled by great and good men. We might in- 
stance Romulus* and Numa in Rome; Themistocles, 
Aristides, Lycurgus, Solon, Epaminondas, in Greece ; 
Cyrus, in Persia ; David and Solomon, in Judea ; and 
in later times, Charlemagne, in France; Alfred, in 
England ; and we may add, Washington, in America. 

Dejoces employed a long reign of more than fifty 
years, in civilizing his subjects promoting the arts of 
peace, and reducing to practice an excellent system 
of policy, and thereby shewing himself worthy to 
reign. He left behind him a grateful memorial in 
the minds of his subjects, and a son and successor of 
a warlike, ambitious and enterprising temper. Phra- 
ortes succeeded bis father in the kingdom of Media. 
Few circumstances are recorded of him. He carried 
on Wars with various success ; subjected tlie Persians 
to his power; made war with Nabuchodonosor, the 
king of Nineveh, in which he was unfortunate, and 
terminated his carrer, together with his life, after a 
reign of twenty-two years. 

* Some of these characters are by no means to be ranked among 
the s:oo<! ; especially Romuln?, who was a fratricide, a robber and 
finally a tyrant. Well mi<rht snch a character be regarded by a 
nation of plunderers, as their father and their god. — Ed, 



58 PERSIA. 

This Nabuchodonosor is thought to have been the 
monarch of that name, mentioned in the book of 
Judith, who sent Holofernes to invade Judea. The 
Assyrian empire was then much weakened, and fast 
declining, but was still too powerful for the Medes. 
In those ages, when the safety of a nation depended 
more on personal valor and military skill, than on 
riches and artful negociations, the loss of a general 
battle produced very ditferent effects on a rising na- 
tion, composed of hardy warriors, inflamed with a 
desire of conquest, and just beginning to be dazzled 
with the splendors of empire, from what it did on an 
ancient nation, immensely rich, voluptuous, etfemi- 
nate, and drowning in its own luxuries. While on the 
one hand, the Medes soon recovered their loss, and 
rose more terrible after the defeat and death of 
Phraortes ; on the other, the defeat of the Assyrians 
before Bethulia, and the loss of a general and his 
army, seemed to break their spirit, and hasten on 
their final subversion. 

Cyaxares the first, succeeded his father Phraortes. 
He soon collected and drew after him an army com- 
posed of the fiery and unconquerable spirits from the 
mountains of Media. He pushed his conquests in 
every direction, united the barbarous tribes of Media 
under his standard, and soon became formidable to 
all the neighboring nations. But as his conquests 
lay chiefly among tribes and clans of uncivilized 
barbarians, we shall pass them over in silence. 

The good fortune attending his arms, and the re- 
membrance of the shameful defeat and death of his 
father in the Assyrian war, now roused him to seek 
revenge on that proud empire, which had so long 
tyrannized over many nations. He marched at the 
head of a powerful army toward Nineveh, encoun- 
tered and defeated an Assyrian army thrown in his 
way, and laid close siege to the city. As the Assy- 
rians were utterly unable to keep the field, their only 
safeguard and dependence was the strength of their 



PERSIA. 5^ 

capital. But as nothing now remained of that warlike 
character, which distinguished and exalted their 
nation in fornner ages, the siege was likely to be of 
short continuance, and must have erided in the speedy 
reduction 'and utter ruin of that city, had not Provi- 
dence designed to procrastinate their doom for a few 
more years. 

Cyaxares was suddenly recalled to defend his own 
territories from the Scythians, who had poured down 
upon Media, and were likely to overrun all Western 
Asia. This is the first irruption of that barbarous 
people, mentioned in history. Jt was upwards of 
600 years before the Christian era. The history of 
that people, is curious and wonderful. They seem 
to have been designed as the instrument of Provi- 
dence, to scourge the nations of the earth. 

The northern and eastern wilds of Europe and 
Asia, gava birth to a race of men, in early ages, more 
properly called an immense collection of wandering 
tribes and families, than a nation. Their manner of 
life, both in war and peace, has been uniform and 
perpetual. Their courage was invincible, their ar- 
mies innumerable, and they seemed to spring from 
sources inexhaustible. Though extremely fierce, and 
devoid of mental cultivation, yet their policy, in its 
kind, was keen, artful and profound. Their inva- 
sions resembled the emigration of an entire province. 
They carried with them their families and effects ; 
and the shock of their impression was adequate to 
the overturning of the greatest empires. In the most 
vigorous periods of the Roman empire, they shook 
its foundations; and finally, in one tremendous inun- 
dation, desolated the whole civilized world. 

As ancient Media lay nigh the Caspian sea, and 
bordered on what is now denominated Circassia, the 
dominions of Cyaxares lay directly in their way into 
the interior of Western Asia. He therefore marched 
with ail speed, and gave them battle ; but was totally- 
defeated, and obliged to fly before a victorious enemy. 



60 PERSIA. 

But as the circumstances of this war between the 
savage Scythians and the Medcs not much more 
civilized, are but slightly known, and would be wholly 
uninteresting, were tliey otherwise, we shall not dwell 
upon them. It shall sutfice to sa}^, that Cyaxares, 
after struggling several years, with various fortune, 
found means to destroy or expel i\>em from his 
dominions. He is said to have caused them to be 
invited to a feast, made in various parts of his king- 
dom, where, in the midst of intoxication, his guards, 
and other emissaries, fell upon them, and caused 
them to perish in a general massacre. The difficul- 
ties, however, attending so extensive and deep a 
conspiracy, leave room to doubt the authenticity of 
the story. 

Cyaxares at length found leisure to renew his in- 
vasion of Nineveh. He met with little obstruction 
in opening the siege ; and as his efforts werg aided by 
the king of Babylon, a powerful and warlike prince, 
with whom he had formed an alliance, the reduction 
of the city soon followed, as we ha o formerly noted. 

Cyaxares pursued his conquests, leaving only Chal- 
dea to the king of Babylon ; and having extended his 
territories, and enriched his armies with treasures 
and spoils of inimense value, he returned to Media 
in great glory ; where the enervating influence of the 
Assyrian luxury soon became visible, and, among 
other causes, concurred in transferring the empire 
from the Medes to the Persians. 

Cyaxares was succeeded by his son Astyages, 
■whose reign was long and prosperous. He had a 
daughter whose name was Mandane, who married 
Cambyses, king of Persia. His son Cyaxares suc- 
ceeded him in his Median territories. Of Cambyses 
and Mandane, was born the great Cyrus, who put a 
period to the latter Assyrian, and effected the union 
of the Median and Persian, empires. 



PERSiA. 6 1 



CHAPTER VIII. 



THE PERSIAN EMPIRE, FROM THE BIRTH OF CYRUS T.O 
THE CONQUEST OF THE LESSER ASIA. 

THE legal heir to a splendid fortune, or to an im- 
perial throne, has little honor in comparison with 
him, who, by the force of his genius, breaks the power 
of depressing circumstances, bears down all impedi- 
ments, removes the various difficulties and embar- 
rassments, with which weak men are encompassed, 
and carries along with him, a whole nation to the 
elevated summit of empire. However much we may 
be disposed to ascribe it to a fortunate concurrence 
of events, it will appear, on careful attention, to arise 
from that astonishing power, some men have over 
others, of combining and directing their exertions to 
proper objects — from their great energy of character 
— from their commanding and comprehensive views 
of human affairs — from their quick discernment in 
the choice of expedients — from their bold and mas- 
terly projection of grand schemes, and from their dili- 
gence and perseverance in every pursuit. 

With such a genius, Cyrus was endowed. He 
found his native country but small, and inhabited by 
an inconsiderable people. The territories of the 
ancient Persians, it is said by good authorities, com- 
prehended but a small part of that vast country now 
bearing their name ; which extends from the river 
Indus to the Euphrates. They were allies and de- 
pendants of the Medes, who, under Cyaxares the first, 
the great grandfather of Cyrus, had destroyed Nine- 
veh, and subjugated many neighboring countries, as 
already noticed. West of them, lay the kingdom of 
Babylon, immensely opulent, and still powerful, but 
declining under the administration of a dynasty of 
weak and vicious raooarchs. 
6 



62 PERSIA. 

As the Medes had put a period to the first Assyrian 
empire, the Assyrians of Babylon viewed thenn with 
an eye of jealousy, and waited only for a convenient 
time to make war on so powerful and dangerous a 
neighbor. This soon presented; and Neriglissar, king 
of Babylon, having drawn into his alliance Crcesus, 
king of Lydia, and many neighboring princes and 
tributaries, took the field. Cyaxares the second, had 
just before this, succeeded to the throne of his father 
Astyages. He was alarmed at the prospect of so 
formidable a war, which seemed likely to overwhelm 
his dominions. He immediately sent to Cambyscs, 
king of Persia, requesting that Cyrus might be sent 
to his aid at the head of the Persian auxiliaries. 

Cyrus then first appeared as the commander of an 
army, and fully justified the expectations of those, 
who had seen his wisdom, discreetness and valor, on 
former occasions. He displayed all the activity, the 
humanity, the address, the fortitude and the personal 
authority of a great commander. A general battle 
was fought, in which the king of Babylon was slain, 
the Assyrian army totally defeated, their allies dis- 
persed, and their affairs rendered desperate. But as 
the victory was wholly owing to the conduct of Cy- 
rus, the king of Media was filled with chagrin, envy 
and discontent. He soon after returned home, and 
left Cyrus to prosecute the war at his own discre- 
tion. 

The Assyrians were unable to collect another army 
sufficient to cope with Cyrus. He therefore pene- 
trated into Chaldea, took every fortress that lay in 
his way, ravaged the country, and marched to the 
gates of Babylon. But the stupendous height and 
impenetrable thickness of the walls, the lofty towers, 
and gates of solid brass, and the multitude of men 
within, seemed to indicate a longer siege and more 
obstinate def£nce than Cyrus was prepared to under- 
take. Before that city could be taken, he had once 
more to try his fortune in the open field. 



PERSIA. 63 

He therefore returned with his victorious army to 
Media, to his uncle Cyaxares ; and from thence re- 
visited his father Camhyses, in his native country, 
Persia, after an absence of about seven years. 

It was now pretty clearly foreseen, that Cyrus was 
rising to the empire of Asia. His great qualities as 
a general, the sublimity and grandeur of his designs, 
the celerity of his movements, the martial order of 
his camps, and the tremendous impetuosity of his 
battles, added to the lustre of his character in private 
life, presaged his future greatness, and seemed to set 
him foremost in the first rank of men then living; 
and as we shall see hereafter, entitled him to the 
highest character of all the monarchs of Asia. 

On his approach towards the borders of Media, as 
just related, his uncle Cyaxares met him with cool- 
ness. And well might he have been alarmed for the 
safety of his kingdom and the security of his crown, 
had Cyrus been of that dark, perfidious character, 
which many great conquerors have too clearly shewn 
to the world. But Cyrus had the address to dispel 
his fears, quiet his jealousies, and conciliate his affec- 
tions : so that the just apprehensions of mankind of 
a rupture between the Medes and Persians, were 
removed; Cyrus, doubtless, well understanding, how 
important the strict union of those tw^o warlike pow- 
ers was to the accomplishment of his designs, and 
also foreseeing, how likely it was that he should one 
day reign over both. 

The rapid growth of the Persian arms under Cy- 
rus, had now excited general attention from Egypt to 
India. A league was formed among the principali- 
ties of Asia, at the head of which was the king of 
Babylon, and Croesus, king of Lydia. 

But before we proceed, it is necessary to draw the 
reader's attention, for a moment, aside from the line 
we are tracing. The Lydians were an ancient people 
of Lesser Asia, situated between Ionia on the west, 
and the greater Phrygia oi\ the east. They derived 



64 PERSIA. 

their name, from Lydus, an ancient king of that 
coantrj. His family, according to ancient authors, 
was supplanted by the descendants of Hercules, who 
reigned over the Lydians several centuries. After 
various revolutions, we find Croesus on the throne of 
Lydia, the prince just mentioned. He was the friend 
and ally of the king of Babylon, His capital was 
Sard is, where afterwards was situated one of the 
seven churches of Asia, 

Croesus was immensely rich, and the Lydians, 
though a very voluptuous, were yet a warlike, nation. 
This prince, notwithstanding the splendor and opu- 
lence of his court, and the luxurious magnificence of 
his kingdom, was a consummate general, as well as a 
proficient in the Grecian philosophy. He was per- 
petually engaged in wars, and made conquests and 
considerable additions to his dominions. It may also 
be proper to observe, that the Lvdians had, on for- 
mer occasions, engaged in wars against the Modes, 
and were their natural enemies, as they were the 
friends and allies of the Assyrians. 

The king of Babylon, whom no emergency of gov- 
ernment, or national exigence, could now^ draw from 
his debaucheries, had placed Croesus as the acting 
head of the league, to contend with Cyrus ; but, in 
the mean time, had furnished him with vast sums of 
money; had drawn a great army even from Egypt; 
had collected what forces he could from all Western 
Asia, then very populous ; and, in a word, had as- 
sembled an army, perhaps second to none in those 
times, but the army of Xerxes the Great, afterwards 
drawn from the same populous regions. It consisted 
0/420,000 men. This army was assembled at Thym- 
bra, a place not far distant from Sardis, the capital 
of Lydia. 

Cyrus lost no time in collecting what forces he 
could. His army fell short of 200,000 ; but his chief 
dependence was on 70,000 Persians, whom, with his 
own band, he had trained to the ^rt of war, and into 



PERSIA. 65 

whom he had infused his own invincible spirit. Con- 
trary to all expectation, Cyrus put his army immedi- 
ately into motion, and marched in quest of his ene- 
mies. Their distance could not be less than a thou- 
sand miles : it was probably more, and that through 
countries, inhabited by hostile nations. No difficulty 
could intimidate Cyrus ; no labor or danger could 
abate the ardor of his troops. By long and rapid 
marches, he soon came up to the place of rendezvous, 
from which Croesus had not moved, but lay in per- 
fect security. 

Celerity is the first and grandest of all military 
maxims. It was this which gave victory and fame 
to Cyrus, Alexander, Hannibal, Cesar and Napoleon. 
Though celerity indeed is not the only thing neces- 
sary ; yet, other things being as they should be, it 
renders invasion irresistible, and victory certain. 

The Assyrians were astonished at the intrepidity 
of Cyrus, especially considering the inferiority of his 
army, and distance from his own dominions. But 
still they placed confidence in their own resources — 
their superior numbers, and the military skill of their 
commanders. 

A spacious plain was chosen, on which the army 
of Croesus displayed a line of battle five miles in 
length. Their plan was to flank the Persians, and 
surround them, knowing their own numbers to be 
much superior. Cyrus, aware of this, had determin- 
ed that his army should act in three directions; and 
so sure of victory was he, that he ordered the centre 
of his army not to move, nor strike a blow, till he 
had routed the wings of the enemy. When the sig- 
nal for battle was given, the Persian army stood firm 
and profoundly silent in a line much shorter and 
deeper than the enemy, till the wings of the latter 
had wheeled round, and formed thiee sides of an 
encompassing square. At that instant, Cyrus wheel- 
ed the wings of his army, and fell with an irresistibl« 
shock upon the wings of the enemv: they both gave. 
6* 



66 PERSIA. 

waj and fell into confusion : that was the signal for 
the centre, where commenced a battle, long, fierce 
and bloody. A hundred and twenty thousand Egyp- 
tians, ranged in battalions thirty deep, in close order, 
and covered from head to foot with bucklers and 
cuirasses, formed the centre of the allied army. The 
horse, on which Cyrus rode, was killed; and he fell 
among forests of spears, and showers of javelins. 
How often the fate of a battle, and even of whole 
nations, depends on the courage and strength of a 
general. Nothing could bear him down ; he defend- 
ed himself, sword in hand, till he was rescued by his 
guards and remounted. This column of Egyptians 
stood their ground, and fought with amazing bravery, 
till the field was cleared of all other enemies. Cyrus 
then offered them honorable terms of capitulation, 
which they accepted, and laid down their arms. 

Never was victory more complete, or battle more 
decisive. It decided at once the fate of the Lydians, 
and all the nations of the Lesser Asia. As Croesus 
had wantonly drawn the Assyrian wa.- into his own 
kingdom, he now tasted the fruits of his temerity. 
But, determined to protract the dispute as much as 
possible, he collected another army, and encountered 
Cyrus again, with similar success. Finding all was 
lost, he retired into Sardis, and prepared to defend 
that capital against the conqueror, who now com- 
menced a regular siege. The city was soon reduced, 
and Crcesus was condemned to die ; but was repriev- 
ed and restored to favor, and, it is said, reinstated in 
his dominions, as a tributary prince. Some writers 
relate, that Solon, the celebrated Grecian philoso- 
pher, had, in the prosperous davs of Croesus, visited 
that prince; and that Crcesus, after shewing him the 
splendor of his capital and resources of his kingdom, 
demanded of the philosopher, whether he did not 
think him a happy man ? Solon answered him in the 
style of a Stoic, and concluded by telling him, that 
he could not tell whether he was happy, till he had 



PERSIA. 07 

heard of his death. Croesus, in a rage at the free- 
dom and boldness of Solon, called him a fool, and 
ordered him out of his sight. 

Cyrus, in the ancient barbarous manner, when 
Croesus had become his prisoner, ordered him to be 
burned to death. He was accordingly bound on the 
pile, which was set on fire. While the flames were 
approaching the unhappy Croesu?, he suddenly re- 
collected the words of Solon, and being now forcibly 
struck with their justness, he cried oat, O Solon ! 
Solon! The thing was told to Cyrus, who immedi- 
ately demanded an explanation. Whereupon Croe- 
sus related to him the circumstances of his interview 
with Solon, and concluded by saying, that " he will 
now hear of my death, and will indeed pronounce 
me an unhappy man." 

Cyrus, powerfully affected with the fickleness of 

fortune, and the changes to which men are liable, 

ordered the royal captive unbound, and restored him 

^to his favor. This story, however, is said by some 

writers to be fabulous. 

The voluntary submission of many states, by their 
ambassadors, followed the conquest of Lydia; and 
Cyrus had little further use for arms in that country. 



CHAPTER IX. 

THE PERSIAN EMPIRE, FROM THE RED' CTION OF ASIA 
MINOR, BY CYRUS, TILL ITS SUBVERSION BY ALEXANDER. 

FROM the conquest of Asia Minor, Cyrus directed 
his marclwtoward Syria and Arabia; and in a few 
years sawTall Western Asia subjected to his arms, 
Babylon alone excepted. This had, from the first, 
fired his ambition, and had been the ultirj.ite end of 
all his schemes and enterprises. With an army ade- 
quate to the undertaking, he now advanced towards 
that immense capital. He was met by the king of 



1^8 PERSIA. 

Babylon, with a numerous army, whonn he defeated 
with great slaughter. The Babylonian monarch fled 
into the city, shut after him the massy gates, and 
prepared for a long and resolute defence. This 
siege commenced about nine years after the capture 
of Sardis. 

Cyrus immediately drew his army before the city, 
and commenced a series of operations, in which the 
whole vigor and extent of his genius were aided by 
the most efficient principles of the art of war, known 
in his day. But he had difficulties to encounter, 
which would have discouraged any one but himself. 
The Babylonians mocked and derided him from their 
lofty battlements; and seemed secure in a fortress, 
too strong to be reduced by the art of man. 

The height, thickness, and solidity of the walls of 
Babylon, rendered them impregnable to every at- 
tempt. On the top, they were so broad, that several 
chariots might run abreast: and at short distances, 
there were towers much higher than the walls, con- 
tinually filled with armed men. The gates were solid 
pieces of brass, of such strength and weight, as to 
defy all possible engines of war. The walls and 
towers were guarded by a numerous army ; and it 
was thought, with what provisions there were in the 
city, and what might be raised within it in the gar- 
dens, that the inhabitants might sustain a siege of 
twenty years. There is reason to doubt, whether 
Cyrus could have taken Babylon otherwise than by 
stratagem : for, after having spent nearly two years, 
during which time, he tried every mode of attack he 
could devise, he saw no prospect of success, nor any 
reason to expect, but that a blockade of i^ny ^^ears 
must be his only resort; and even that resort, ex- 
tremely dubious in its issue. 

But it is a truth, that whatever man can build, 
man can destroy; and it is a truth far more melan- 
choly, that with whatever expense, pleasure and 
ambition, any thing is built by one man, the time 



PERSIA. 69 

may conle, when, with equal expense, pleasure and 
ambition, it will be demolished by another. 

His comprehensive genius, however, at length pro* 
jectcd a plan, by which he gained the city. At some 
distance above the city, had been dug an immense 
pit, of size sufficient to receive the waters of the river 
for a considerable lime. It is said to have been many 
miles in extent. With this lake, the river communi- 
cated, by canals, which were closed along the river 
by dikes of amazing strength. By breaking down 
these, the river would forsake its course, and flow 
into the lake. On the night of a public festival, 
Cyrus caused the dikes to be broken down. The 
river immediately turned out of its channel, which 
became so dry, that the Persian army marched down 
into it, with little difficulty, into the city; and were 
met by another division of the army, who had march- 
ed up the channel from the opposite side of the city ;. 
and although there was a high wall on each side of 
the river, yet, on that night, the gates leading to the 
river were generally left open. In the midst of rev- 
elling and drunkenness, the inhabitarits v;rrc s:.i»« 
prised ; and the king, hearing the uproar abroad, 
had only time to advance to the gate of his palace, 
where, fighting sword in hand, he was slain. 

The city and province of Babylon, without fuVthef 
resistance, submitted to the conqueror. Thus ended 
the Chaldean or Lower Assyrian empire. This event 
happened about fifty years after the destruction of 
Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar— 209 years from the 
beginning of the reign of Nabonassar, or Belesis — ■ 
more than 2000 years from its foundation by Nimrod, 
or Belus 5,, and in the year before the Christian era, 
i38. "' 

Babylon had now received an irreparable Idow. 
This diversion of the river continued to overflow 
the finest part of the adjacent country, and at length 
turned it into an extensive marsh, as loathsome and 
unhealthy, as it was useless. The current of the 



70 PERSIA. 

liver through the city was obstructed, and the water 
shallow. From this period, Bahjlon experienced a 
rapid decay, till it was taken by Alexander the Great, 
aboAjt two hundred years after. Alexandt'r, with a 
view to make it the seat of his empire, had deter- 
mined to restore it to its ancient splendor ; but dying 
suddenly, the work ceased. His successors aban- 
doned that proud capital for ever, and fixed the seat 
of their government at Seleucia ; or, as it was called 
by some, New Babylon. The steps of its decline 
can scarcely be traced to a much later period. In 
the Augustan a^e, it was nearly desolate. 
\ About two years after the reduction of Babylon, 
Cyrus, by the death of his father and uncle, succeed- 
ed to the sovereignty of Media and Persia. His em- 
pire now extended from the Caspian Sea to the In- 
dian Ocean, and from India to Ethiopia. 

To relate the particulars of the reign of Cyrus, 
would conduce little to the general design of this 
work; and it would be still less conducive, and less 
interesting to go into many particulars concerning 
his successors* The fall of tbe Babylonian, and the 
rise of the Persian empire, present to the reader ].he 
first important revolution in the annals of history, 
whose consequences were general and permanent. 

Cyrus died at the age of 70 years. If we estimate 
his reign from his assuming .the command of the 
Persian and Median armies, it wai? thirty years — if 
from the conquest of Babylon; it was 9 years; and if 
from the death of bis uncle, Cyaxares, 7 years. He 
is represented as a prince of great abilities and great 
wisdom: in his council and cabinet, as distinguished 
for profound policy, as for bravery and good fortune, 
in the field. He seems to have united the happiness 
of his subjects with his own iilory ; thf^reby securing 
the prosperity of his kingdom on its surest basis. 

Cyrus wa* an instrument of Providence in accom- 
plishing the disine dcsiijns toward tlie Jews, as we 
f hall hereafter notice, in speaking of their history ;. 



PERSIA. 71 

and he had the distinguished honor of being foretold, 
even by name, as the restorer of that chosen people.* 

The Persians, in every age, have been a brave, 
pohte, and generous people. Not even the influence 
of bad government, the gloomy reign of superstition, 
or the relaxing indolence of a mild climate, could 
ever debase them to a level with their neighbors. 
But the meridian of their glory was in the reign of 
Cyrus. 

The important revolution effected by Cyrus, and 
the splendor of his reign, are rendered famous in 
sacred history, by the restoration of the Jews, and 
the rebuilding of the city and temple of Jerusalem. 
They had been subdued and carried into captivity by 
Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, where they had 
now remained for 70 years. On the accession of 
Cyrus to the empire of Asia, he issued a decree for 
their restoration ; which, with other privileges, al- 
lowed them to return to Judea, to rebuild their cities, 
and to restor.' their worship. This decree was issued 
468 years from the dedication of the temple by 
Solomon — 955 years from the departure of the 
Israelites out of Egypt, and 536 years before the 
Christian era. 

Cyrus was succeeded in his extensive empire by 
his son, Cambyses ; who, in a short reign of eight 
years, did little worthy either of the monarch of Asia, 
or of the great ctiaractt^r and actions of his father. 
He invaded E£';ypt with some success ; was guilty of 
many crueltirsi murdered Smcrdis, his only brother, 
the son of the great Cyrus. He was recalled from 
his Eiryptian expedition, to suppress a rebellion rais- 
ed by Smerdis the Maj^ian, who had usurped his 
throne in his absence. But on his return, as he was 
mounting bis horse, his sword hll out of its scabbard, 
and gave him a wound in the thiirh, of which he 
died. The Eijyptians remark, th'it it wis a judg- 
ment of heaven upon him, because he had wounded 
* Isaiah, xlv. 1, 



72 PERSIA. 

their gpd Apis, in the same place. He had some 
military talents, but was remarkable only for rash- 
ness, pride, cruelty, and injustice. 

Smerdis, the usurper, being soon destroyed, was 
succeeded by Darius Hystaspes. After bim the or- 
der of succession w^as as follows, viz. Xorxes the 
Great, Artaxerxes, Xerxes U. Darius Mothus, Ar- 
taxerxes Mnemon, Ochus, Arses, Darius Codomanus. 
From the accession of Cyrus till the conquest of 
Persia by Alexander, was 223 years, their average 
reign being about 20 years. 

In looking over this period of Persian history, 
from Cyrus to Alexander, there is little to engage 
the attention. The empire was generally on the 
decline. The vanity and vices of the kings, who 
reigned from time to time, were no less conspicuous, 
than their dangerous effects on the empire. The 
former led them often to engage in wars, particularly 
with the Greeks; the latter rendered them unable to 
contend with their enemies. Their most memorable 
enterprise was that of Xerxes the Great. His inva- 
fiion of Greece was rendered famous by the greatness 
of his army, his dastardly conduct, total overthrow, 
and shameful retreat to his own dominions. Of this 
extraordinary expedition, a brief account shall be 
given. 

The growing power and military fame of the 
Greeks had, before the reign of Xerxes, excited both 
the jealousy and the fears of the Persian Monarchs. 
Xerxes, therefore, no sooner ascended the throne, 
than he began to meditate an invasion of Greece ; and 
particularly of the Athenians, for their conduct during 
the reign of his father. Accordingly, he levied forces 
from all parts of his dominions, and made extensive 
preparations, both by sea and land. By means of an 
alliance with the Carthaginians, he drpw auxiliaries 
even from Spain, Italy, and Gaul. The Carthagi- 
nians, who, at that time, had acquired an extensive 
military reputation, furnished him with an army of 



PERSIA. 73 

300,000 men, under the command of Hamilcar. Af- 
ter the most active preparations throughout his do- 
minions, tributaries and alhes, he, in the sixth year of 
his reign, put his forces in motion, crossed the Helles- 
pont on a bridge of boats, and encamped his army at 
the city Doriscus, by the mouth of the river Hebrus; 
near which place he also drew together his naval 
armament. Here he made a general review of all 
his forces ; and which, according to many authors, 
consisted of 2,641,610 men, with upwards of 1200 
ships: and to this immense multitude, says Dr. Pri- 
deaux, if we add all the slaves, the women, the atten- 
dants, &c. the number must exceed 5,000,000, proba- 
bly the greatest army ever brought into the field.* 

With this assemblage of nations, Xerxes advanced 
to the strait of Thermopylae, where he was met by 
Leonidas, king of Sparta, and about 300 Lacedemo- 
nians, and as many Greeks as made up about 4000 
men. This handful of men defended the pass for two 
days, resisting every form of attack. The Greeks, 
however, growing weary of the unequal contest, at 
length all deserted Leonidas but his 300, and a few 
others. They stood their ground, and fought with 
amazing bravery, till every man was slain ; among 
whom was Leonidas himself. This dear-bought vic- 
tory cost the Persians 20,000 of their bravest men, 
and two of the brothers of Xerxes : nor could they 
be otherwise than astonished at the valor and forti- 
tude of the Greeks. 

To Leonidas the prize of valor has been allowed by 
all heroes, all ages and nations. Many warriors have 
fought merely for fame, and have laid down their 
lives to gratify a mad ambition. Leonidas fought 
for his country. He did not expect to conquer, his 
object was to delay the enemy's progress, till his 
countrymen could assume a posture of defence. This 
object be gained, though he fell in the conflict. 

* This account of Prideaux is on the authority of Herodotu^j 
Plutarch, and others j but Diodorus and Pliny make it les?. 
7 



74 PERSIA. 

Passing the straits of Thermopylae, the Persian 
army, like the progress of a slow but mighty inunda- 
tion, advanced toward Athens. The Athenians, hav- 
ing consulted the Delphian Oracle, were directed to 
defend themselves by wooden walls. When all were 
in doubt concerning the meaning of this response, 
says Cornelius Nepos, Themistocles, the Athenian 
general, told them, that the intention of the Oracle 
was, that they should defend themselves by ships. 
Accordingly, the Athenian and confederate fleet of 
Greece, amounting to about 300 sail, drew up in the 
strait of Salamis, where they encountered and totally 
defeated the fleets of Persia, destroying many ships, 
and dispersing the rest. This battle has been justly 
celebrated by all historians. It was gained by the 
masterly policy of Themistocles, who drew the Per- 
sians to action in a disadvantageous place, and then, by 
a bravery nearly as magnanimous, and more fortunate 
than that of Leonidas, obtained a complete victory. 

Xerxes now saw clearly what enemies he had to 
contend with; and perceiving them entire masters of 
the sea, he was seized with the most alarming appre- 
hensions for his own safety, although encompassed 
by millions. Leaving an army of 300,000 men with 
Mardonius, his general, to prosecute the war, he hast- 
ened back to the Hellespont, lest his bridge of boats 
should be destroyed, and his retreat to his own do- 
minions for ever cut oflT. On his arrival, as be feared, 
he found his bridge to have been broken by storms. 
Wherefore, in the utmost consternation for his safety 
among enemies so brave and interpid, and for the 
preservation of his throne, which the news of his ill 
fortune would expose to some aspiring rebel, he 
crossed the same Hellespont, which he had lately 
covered with his fleets and armies, in a fishing-boat, 
and returned home, covered with shame and infamy. 

Still far more complete was the defeat of that part 
of this great invasion conducted by Hamilcar, the 
Carthaginian already mentioned ; for, landing an 
army of 300,000 men in Sicily, he was suddenly at- 



PERSIA. 



ib 



tacked by Gelo, king of Sicily, as he was celebrating 
a public feast, and his whole army was either slain, or 
nnade prisoners, and liis fleet destroyed. Mardonius 
now only remained, to resist the concentrated forces 
of Greece, invincible by valor, and now formidable 
by numbers, although far inferior to the army of the 
Persians.* The Greeks, commanded by Pausanius 
and Aristides, pursued him now retiring out of Attica 
into Boeotia. They came to a general battle near 
Platasa, in which Mardonius was killed, and his army 
cntirelj' cut otF. It is remarkable, that on the same 
day, another battle was fought at sea, in which the 
Greeks were completely victorious, and the remain- 
der of the Persian fleet destroyed. 

Thus terminated the greatest expedition, found iq 
the annals of history. It can hardly be doubted, that, 
had the Greeks tarried their arms into Persia, they 
might, at that time, have subverted the Persian empire. 

Xerxes, who deserved the appellation of great^ for 
little reason, except the greatness of his follies and 
vices, employed the remainder of his reign in in- 
glorious wars— in superstitions destructive to learn- 
ing and civility, and in intrigues and atrocities, as 
disgraceful to his throne, as injurious to his subjects. 

It will be found to be a just remark, that, as most 
nations have risen by industry and virtue, so they 
have fallen by luxury, indolence and vice. When the 
Persians were poor, hardy, industrious, brave, and vir- 
tuous, they enabled Cyrus to conquer and to govern 
Asia. But conquest and dominion rendered them 
vain and secure ; wealth made them luxurious and 
eflTeminate ; vice made them weak and contemp- 
tible. They had no longer a Cyrus to lead them to 
victory ; or, if they had, they were no longer a peo- 
ple capable of rising to empire, by toil and discipline. 
But the Greeks themselves, not far from this period, 
began to feel the corrupting influence of wealth and 
power. Long before the conquest of Persia, they had 
passed the meridian of their power and glory ; nor 
* 140,000. 



76 ^ PERSIA. 

could a hero spring but from the wilds of Macedon, 
to subdue the Pesian empire. 

The conquest of Persia, by Alexander the Great, 
will be noticed under the review of Grecian history. 
We shall, therefore, close this brief survey, by glanc- 
ing an eye at the slate of the Persian territories, sub- 
sequent to Alexander's conquest. 

It has been already noticed, that Alexander, king 
of Macedon, above three centuries before the Chris- 
tian era, in the raign of Darius Codomanus, subdued 
Persia, and became master of all Western Asia. At 
the death of Alexander, his extensive dominions were 
divided among the chief generals of his army. Baby- 
lon, together with Media and Persia, fell to Seleucus. 

The Seleucidas, or kings of Syria, held for a few 
years the empire of Persia. Some of them even 
marched armies across the river Indus, with a view to 
maintain and extend their authority. But they could 
not govern what Alexander could subdue; they could 
not even stand, where he could advance unmolested. 
Persia soon began to be governed by independent 
princes. Though under the name of Parthia, it was 
substantially the same. A dynasty of kings com- 
menced with Arsaces, about 70 years after the con- 
quest of Persia by Alexander, 256 years before Christ. 
The Arsacidae held the seat of their government 
nearer to Media, than to Persia. They were power- 
ful and warlike — were generally more than a match 
for the kings of Syria, and even set bounds to the Ro- 
man arms. Mithridates,* called the Great, was one 
of the most warlike monarchs of Asia. He flourished 
about 120 years before the Christian era ; and what 
is remarkable of him, he maintained a war with the 
Romans 40 years, and according to Cicero's own de- 
claration, among the enemies of Rome, was second to 
none but Hannibal. He was defeated by Pompey, 
on the plains of Pharsalia; where it is remarkable 
that the fate of Europe and Asia has been decided 
three times, by three great and memorable battles ; 

* This Mithridates was king of Poptus, and not of Farthia.— Ei>; 



PERSIA. 77 

by Pompey and Mithridates, Pompey and Cesar, 
Tamerlane and Bajazet.* Although Pompey tri- 
umphed over Mithridates, yet the Parthians surviv- 
ed, and were powerl'ul even in the reign of Augustus. 
The Parthian kings of the dynasty of Arsaces were 
still powerful, when the Romans began to decline. 
While the wretched and effeminate Heliogabalus 
reigned in Rome, about 223 years after Christ, Arta- 
banes, the thirty-second king of the Arsacidae, was 
deposed by Artaxerxes, in whom, it is said, the an- 
cient Persian monarchy was restored. The Persians, 
properly speaking, then flourished ; having like a 
phoenix, risen from the ashes of the ancient empire; 
and the names of Sapor, Hormisdas, and Chosroes, 
make a figure in history, and were famous in their 
times, while the Roman empire was in its decline, 
and after its overthrow by the Goths and Vandals. 
The dynasty of Artaxerxes flourished about 400 
years, under twenty-five kings, until Jesdegirdes, in 
the year of Christ 632, was deposed and slain by the 
followers of Mahomet. They held the government 
of that country, till conquered by Tamerlane, the 
great cham of Tartary, in 1396. Since that time 
the Persians have had various masters, and some 
very bad ones, and have undergone numerous revolu- 
tions. We have seen little of the Persian history 
during the middle ages. From all we can learn, they 
must have fared better than the Roman empire ; and 
if we except China, no nation has stood its ground 
through all ages, better than Persia. 

The Persians probably experienced their ultimate 
point of depression before the Christian era ; they 
certainly were powerful, when Rome fell ; and, 
though conquered by Mahomet's followers, and by 
Tamerlane, they have been able to resist some of the 
most powerful and warlike nations of modern times, 
the Turks and Russians. 

*Tamerl£nie defeated Bajazet near Ancona in Asia Minor,^at a 
considerable distance from Pharsalia. — Ed. 

7* 



73 ANCIENT GREECE. 



CHAPTER X. 

ikNCIENt GREECE, FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE 
LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS. 

To unite perspicuity with brevity, in drawing the 
great line of Grecian history, will be difficult; es- 
pecially if we regard separately the states and colo- 
nies, the traditional history of each, their high an- 
tiquity, and their various alliances, wars, and revolu- 
tions. The history of this wonderful people, is better 
known than that of those who went before them, and 
is surely of much greater importance. To their 
surprising genius, the world is indebted, in a mea- 
sure, for the knowledge of the arts and sciences. In 
architecture, sculpture, poetry and oratory, and in 
the arts and sciences necessary to the perfection of 
those branches, they stand unrivalled. We may say 
of them, they invented, improved, and perfected.. 
They so far perfected, that they have never been 
excelled. 

The territories of ancient Greece seem to have 
possessed every advantage which situation, soil and 
climate, can give a nation. Comprehending what is 
now called Turkey in Europe, they were skirted 
northwardly by German and Scythian nations ; east- 
wardly lay the Black Sea, the strait of Bosphorus^ 
the Hellespont, and the Archipelago ; southwardly 
their country was washed by the Mediterranean, and 
west by the Adriatic or Gulf of Venice. A narrow 
sea separated them eastward ly from the shores of 
Lesser Asia, where Troy once flourished ; which, 
together with many rich provinces, became Greciaij 
colonies. Their climate, which was anciently some- 
what more cool than it is now, was salubrious, their 
sky generally serene, their air pure, and their soil 
fruitful. Their lofty mountains and rugged hills, the 
Tariety in the face of their country, the abundance 



ANCIENT GREECE, 79 

and purity of their springs and rivulets, and all in a 
climate and soil so fine and genial, formed an inri- 
mense variety of wild and charming prospects, in 
which sublimity and beauty were united. 

No country was ever better calculated to promote 
and reward industry, to foster genius, to fire imagi- 
nation, or to rouse the mind to exertion. The prox- 
imity of seas, and a variety of excellent harbors, 
early prompted the Greeks to a spirit of naval enter- 
prise, and enabled them to realize the benefits of ex- 
tensive commerce, wealth, knowledge, and politeness. 

The country of ancient Greece, was inhabited 
more than eighteen centuries before the Christian 
era : but for a thousand years of that period, its his- 
tory is not only traditional but fabulous, and for the 
most part utterly incredible. The Grecian fables 
and traditions, brought down from the heroic age, far 
excel every thing else of the kind. Nothing, indeed, 
can be more absurd, false and ridiculous, than most of 
them are; yet the glowing imagination of the Greeka 
has rendered them an interesting part of Grecian 
literature to the classical scholar. But as the rela- 
tion of them would not consist with the brevity of 
this work, so neither would it increase its utility. In- 
deed, as this historical sketch is designed to follow 
the course of empire, our w^ork would hardly strike 
into the history of Greece, till near the conquest of 
Persia by Alexander. 

The commonwealth of Athens, so renowned for 
military achievements, and so illustrious for improve- 
ment in the liberal arts and sciences, was founded by 
Cecrops, 1460 years before Christ.* About the 
same time, Cadmus, the Phoenician, introduced al- 
phabetic writing into Greece, iukI founded Thebes 

*Chronologers differ widely in their opinions concerning the 
time, when Cecrops flourished. Some make it upwares of fifteen 
centuries before Christ ; some better than fourteen. Dr. Priestly, 
after Newton, makes it but about eleven and one fourth. I have 
followed the most prevailing authorities. The probability is», 
that the exact time is not kaoww-* 



8d ANCIENT GREECE. 

in Boeotia. Danaus also founded Argos ; and Pelops, 
a Phrygian, whose descendants, intermarrying with 
those of T)'ndarus, king of Lacedemon or Sparta, ac- 
quired to that famil)' the ascendency for many cen- 
turies, in the peninsula of Greece. Cecrops and 
Danaus were emigrants from Egypt ; Cadmus was 
from Phoenicia, and Pelops from Phrygia ; so that 
the four most ancient and powerful cities of Greece, 
viz. Athens, Sparta, Thebes, and Argos, were founded 
ai^d for a long time governed by d}' nasties of foreign 
princes. Their names, exploits, and misfortunes, are 
inimortalized by the sublime genius of Homer. Not 
far from this period, Deucalion reigned in Thessaly. 
From the name of his son Hellen, a considerable 
portion of ti»e ancient Greeks were called Hellenes ; 
and, from Dorus, Eolus, and Ion, some of his more 
remote descendants, they were distinguished into 
Dorians, Eolians, and loiiians. 

Before the arrival of Cecrops, Danaus, Cadmus, 
and other adventurers in Greece, its inhabitants were 
savage, barbarous, and unconnected ; living entirely 
in a state of nature,* without laws, civilization, or 
any forms of social order. But those enterprising 
chiefs, coming from more enlightened regions, and 
bringing with them the first rudiments of science, 
were able, by policy or by arms, to establish their 
authority among those rude tribes and savage clans. 
They collected them together, built cities, and found- 
ed many useful institutions, tending to ameliorate 
their barbarous state. But if these adventurers found 
it difficult to reduce those tribes into a well regulated 
gtate of society, under the mild influence of laws, it 
was still more difficult to defend them from the in- 
cursions of the more wild and ferocious tribes bor- 
dering upon them. They were fierce and warlike ; 

* If bj a state of nature is meant a state agreeable to the light 
of nature, or natural reason, it is by no means a savage state ; 
which reason abhors. If it means a state, in which children re- 
ceive no education from those around them> there is certainly no 
such state. — £d. 



ANCIENT GREECE. 81 

"knew Iktle of agriculture ; roved from place to place, 
and subsisted by rapine and plunder. 

Two circumstances in those limes ejreatly quicken- 
ed ijie progress of the Greeks in various useful arts; 
the discovery of the use of iron, and the extension 
of the knowledge of alphabetic writing. jThe former 
enabled them to construct instruments df agriculture 
and commerce; and the latter to diffuse and improve 
the general means of knowledge. Yet the advan- 
tages arising from alphabetic writing, were far less 
rapid in those times, than one would imagine, since, 
according to Herodotus, a system of written laws was 
not promulgated in Greece till about the sixth century 
before the Christian era — a circumstance truly sur- 
prising, considering the progress of the Greeks in the 
science of government, at a much earlier period, and 
the strength and quicknessof their inventive powers. 

The ancient Greeks have the honor of exhibiting 
to the world the first example of a political confede- 
ration, founded in reason, and matured upon princi- 
ples, whose strength and excellence gave permanency 
to the institution, as well as to the several states and 
governments existing under its influence. The coun- 
try of Thessaly had been governed by Deucalion ; 
and his descendants, as already noticed, founded the 
Dorians, Eolians, and lonians. This country lay far 
north of the Hellenic tribevs, and was continually 
exposed to the incursions of the warlike savages on 
their borders. To provide more effectual means of 
defence against these dangerous irruptions, the lead- 
ers of several tribes or slates entered into a confede- 
racy for mutual defence. Their place of meeting, 
which was semi-annual, was at Thermopylae, a place 
rendered ever famous by the unparalleled bravery of 
Leonidas. The king of Thermopylae, at that time, 
was Amphictyon. He.ice they were called the Am- 
phictyonic council. This combination, while it did 
not interfere essentially with the independence of 
the several states, served as a grand political centre,, 



82 ANCIENT GREECE. 

combining the energies, uniting the policy, and har- 
monizing the movements of the whole. 13) means 
of this, the Greeks were at length formed into one 
grand confederated republic; for, although it origi- 
nated without the peninsula, hy modern geographers 
called the Morea, its advantages were soon perceived, 
and the central states of Peloponnesus, the Spartans 
and Argives, became members of it, and by the mid- 
dle of the fourteenth century before Christ, most of 
the states of Greece followed their example. 

The members of the Amphictyonic league, for a 
considerable time, were fully employed in regulating 
their own governments, and repelling the invasions 
of their hostile neighbors. But at length the restless 
and active spirit of a warlike people, began to extend 
its views to conquest, and its desires were expanded 
with a thirst of glory. About 1260 years before 
Christ, took place the celebrated expedition of the 
Argonauts, headed by Jason, a Thessalian chieftain, 
and by the fathers of the celebrated warriors, who 
shone in the siege of Troy, But, passing over this, 
as also over the exploits of Theseus and other warriors 
of that heroic age, we shall, to gratify the taste of the 
juvenile reader, be a little more particular in relating 
some of the leading circumstances of the Trojan war. 

Previously to the commencement of this war, the 
Greeks had made considerable progress in the arts, 
both of war and peace. Their savage manners were 
softened ; their internal policy was regulated by the 
maxims of justice. In their manners, customs and 
religion, they were similar ; and their united coun- 
sels gave wisdom, energy, and despatch to their move- 
ments. Seven independent states occupied, at this 
time, the peninsula of Greece, although it was but 
200 miles long, and 140 in breadth. These were 
Messenia, Elis, Arcadia, Corinth, Achaia, Argos, and 
the powerful kingdom of Sparta. The Grecian ter- 
ritories withouf the peninsula, were more extensive, 
being 260 miles from east to west, and 150 from 



ANCIENT GREECE. "83 

north to south ; comprehending Thessaly, Attica, 
iEtolia, and sundry other provinces. 

The kingdom of Troy lay on the eastern shores of 
the Hellespont, the southern coast of the Propontis, 
and in general the territories of the Lesser Phrygia, 
The Trojans were of Grecian extraction. Their em- 
pire was founded by Dardanus, about 200 years be- 
fore this period. Hence, they were called Dardans ; 
and their country Dardania. Ericthonius, the son of 
Dardanus, was succeeded by Tros. Hence, they 
were called Trojans. The son of Tros was Ilus, 
from whom Troy was named Ilion. Ilus was succeed- 
ed by Laomedon, and he by his son Priam. Priam, 
after a long and prosperous reign, was destined to 
see the ruin of his kingdom, the extirpation of his 
race, and to fall by the victorious sword of the Greeks. 

It is generally agreed that a hereditary enmity had 
subsisted between the Greeks and Trojans. Paris, 
the son of Priam, the most beautiful man of his time, 
having been allured by the fame of Helen, the queen 
of Sparta, went over into Greece, and visited the 
Spartan court. Helen is celebrated by the poets, as 
possessing every personal charm in its highest per- 
fection, and as the most perfect beauty of ancient 
times. Her susceptible heart was too easily capti- 
vated by the artful address and polished manners of 
the perfidious Paris. She listened to his insinuations, 
and lost to a sense of honor and duty, she made her 
escape with him, and took refuge amidst the towers 
of Troy. The king of Sparta, stung with the treach- 
ery of his beauteous queen, whom he adored, and • 
enraged at the baseness and perfidy of the Trojan 
prince, to whom he had shown all the rights of 
hospitality, loudly complained of the injury, and ap- 
pealed to the justice of his countrymen. His brother 
Agamemnon, the most powerful prince of Greece, 
seconded his complaints, and used his influence and 
authority to rouse the resentment of the whole ex- 
tensive confederation. He succeeded : for the princes 



84 ANCIENT GREECE. 

and people of Greece, no less wounded in their pride 
than stung with a sense of the atrocious villany, de- 
termined to extinguish the flames of their resentment 
in the blood of Priam and his people, who refused to 
restore the illustrious fugitive. 

We shall not detail the particulars of this war. 
Those, for whom this work is designed, will find them 
at length in their proper place, in a course of reading. 
It shall suffice to say, that a powerful army was sent 
to wage war with the Trojans; but the enterprise 
was found to be attended with unforeseen difficulties. 
The Trojans were a brave and gallant people, of 
considerable resources, and very great courage. 
Hector, the son of Priam, equalled only by Achilles, 
commanded the Trojans, and often disputed the field 
of victory, with invincible bravery, and various suc- 
cess; and when, after the death of Hector, the Tro- 
jans could no longer keep the field, the city of Troy 
Was defended by lofty towers and impregnable walls. 

Homer is the chief and almost the only authority 
on the Trojan war, which, if it ever existed, would 
have been lost in oblivion, but for his pen. Among 
other things in praise of Homer, strength and sub- 
limity of genius must certainly be ranked; but amia- 
bleness of character cannot be reckoned, nor yet the 
fair impartial openness of the historian. His par- 
tiality is often so glaring, as to involve him in gross 
absurdities. While he seems impatient and loath to 
allow the Trojans any military merit, and is ever dis- 
posed to accuse them of meanness and the basest 
cowardice, he enrols the Grecian heroes with gods, 
because they could conquer them. The honor of 
the conqueror is commonly measured by the great- 
ness and potency of the enemy he conquers. Ho- 
mer certainly loses sight of this principle, and es- 
pecially in the character of Hector, who, in his last 
encounter with Achilles, is compelled by the merci- 
less partiality of the poet, to act a more pitiful cow- 
ardly part, than we should have reason to look for in 



ANCIENT GREKCE. S5 

the conduct of the meanest soldier in a mordern army. 
Instead of (ighting Acliilles, like a man, he is made to 
turn on his heels and ran in a cowardly manner. 
The mighty Trojan, at length run down, like a sheep 
pursued hy a wolf, is quietly butchered. 

The fortune of Greece prevailed ; not however by 
arms, but by stratagem. The Greeks, worn out by a 
war of ten years, determined to risk their hopes on 
one desperate eifort, which, if successful, would end 
the war in victory; if not, would exterminate all 
liope of conquest, for the present, if not forever. 
They made preparations for returning home, embark- 
ed in their ships, and set sail ; but they left near the 
city a wooden horse of vast size, in which was en- 
closed a band of their bravest heroes. This image, 
they pretended as an oifering to tlie goddess Minerva, 
to be placed in the Trojan citadel. To give elFect ta 
this stratagem, Sinon is despatched over to the Tro- 
jans, with an artful and fictitious story, pretending he 
had made his escape from the Greeks. The supersti- 
tion of the times gave them complete success. The 
whim struck the Trojans favorably. They laid open 
their walls, and, by various means, dragged the bane- 
ful monster, pregnant with destruction, into the city. 
That night was spent in festivity through Troy. 
Every guard was withdrawn ; all threw aside their 
arms; and, dissolved in wine, amusement, pleasure, 
and repose, gave full effect to the hazardous enter- 
prise of the hardy Greeks. The fleet, in the night 
time, drew back to the shore; the men landed and 
approached the city : the heroes in the wooden horse 
sallied forth, killed what few they met, opened the 
city-gates, atsd the Greeks entered. The night, which 
was begnnin feasting and carousal, ended in confla- 
gration and blood. The various parts of this daring 
plan, liable to great uncertainties and embarrassments, 
were concentrated and made eflfectual by the signal of 
a torch shown from a conspicous tower by Helen her- 
self, the perfidious beauty, who had caused the war. 
8 



86 ANCIENT GREECE. 

This Story, as to its leading parts, is probably 
founded in fart ; whctiier it is so or not, it does the 
highest honor to the genius of the poet by whom it is 
related, if true, or invented, if fabulous. 

Never was national vengeance nnore exemplary, or 
ruin more complete. The destruction of Troy took 
place 1184 years before the Christian era. This fall 
of the Trojan empire, was linal. Independence and 
sovereignty^ never leturned to those delightful shores ; 
nor has that country since made any figure in histo- 
ry. It continued to be possessed and colonized by 
the Greeks, while they flourished, and followed the 
fortunes and revolutions of the great empires. 

If the charms of Helen proved the destruction of 
Troy, yet the Greeks themselves, though they were 
able to punish her seducer, had little reason to boast 
of their conquest, or glory in their revenge. On 
their return, their fleets were dispersed, and many of 
their ships wrecked on dangerous coasts. Some of 
them wandered through long voyages, and settled in 
foreign parts. Some became pirates, and infested 
the seas with formidable depredations. A few, and 
but a few of them, returned to their homes, where 
fortunes equally disastrous followed them. Their 
absence, for a course of years, had quite altered the 
scene of things ; as it had opened the way to con- 
spiracies, usurpations, and exterminating revolutions. 
Their vacant thrones had been filled by usurpers ; 
and their dominions, left defenceless, had fallen a 
prey to every rapacious plunderer. The states of 
Greece, which, at the beginning of the Trojan war, 
were rising fast to prosperity, power and happiness, 
were overwhelmed with calamities, and seemed re- 
turning rapidly to savage barbarity. 

The institution of the Olympic games, their nature, 
and important influence on society, together with the 
character, laws, and institutions of Lycurgus, next 
meet the eye in tracing the great line of Grecian 
history. But these events are too far distant in the 



ANCIENT GREECE. 87 

region of uncertainty, wFiere real historical light 
holds a doiibirui rcii>[n with fable and fiction, to merit 
an extended place in these sketches; and, were they 
diifereotlj situated, they would lead us into details, 
far too minute and extensive for a work of this nature. 

Not to see'H, however, utterly to neglect a matter 
so extensive in its influence, ajul so lasting in its 
consequences to Greece as the legislation of Lycur- 
gus, we shall close this chapter with a general view 
of the character and institutions of that great man. 

We have already seen the deplorable state of 
Greece after the 'J'rujan war. It will be proper to 
remark here, that the tumults, revolutions, and calam- 
itous events of those times, no less encouraged the 
savage enterprises of banditti, robbers, and j)irates, 
than they roused the genius and talents of men of 
great and virtuous minds. In the midst of these 
convulsions, the Delphian Oracle had ordered a 
general armistice, and that certain games should be 
revived, or more properly formed into a regular and 
permanent institution. The lively and flexible ge- 
nius of the Gretks, ambitious, fond of amusement, 
of competition, of pomp and glory, was animated 
with the proposal. All thoughts of hostility were 
immediately laid aside in the general preparation for 
this splendid festival, which was to last five days, 
and to be begun and ended in the worship of Olym- 
pian Jove. The most important of the Olympic 
games, were wrestling, boxing, pancratium, coit, foot 
race, horse race, and chariot race. Of these, the 
pancratium, which united boxing and wrestling, was 
the most dang^erous and terrihle, and the chariot race, 
])y far the most honorable of all. Iphitus, prince of 
Elis, seconded by the countenance and advice of 
Lycurgus, the Spartan law-giver, was the second 
founder of this noble institution. A large and beau- 
tiful plain near Olympia, in the Peloponnesus, was 
chosen for the purpose. Here a gymnasium was 
erected ; and all the plain was adorned with gardens, 



88 ANCIENT GREECE. 

porticoes, columns and arches, to render the scene 
as delightful and grand, as possible. In a word, these 
games were frequented by an assennblage of nations; 
and to be a conqueror here, inflamed the ambition of 
mankind more than the honors of war or govern- 
ment. 

Ljcurgus, moved by the miseries of his country- 
men, and induced to hope success from his know- 
ledge of their genius and character, formed the grand 
design of reducing them to order, under a new form 
of government, and a new code of laws ; the objects 
of which seem to have been to promote civil liberty 
and justice, public and personal safety, and military 
glory. 

After regulating the various powers of government 
in reference to those important objects, he proceeded 
to introduce an agrarian law, causing an equal divi- 
sion of lands among the people. He abolished the 
currency of gold and silver, and allowed no money 
to be used but iron. He prohibited every article of 
luxury, greatly improved the Spartan soldiery and 
mode of fighting, and raised the Spartan common- 
wealth to the highest eminence of military fame. 
But the spirit of his laws, and maxims of his govern- 
ment, resembled more the severity of military disci- 
pline, than the mild and gentle wisdom of civil policy ; 
and, allowing them their utmost merit, they tended 
rather to convert a being of tender sensibilities and 
line and noble affections, into a cold, unlovely ma- 
chine of reason, apathy, and stern justice. But the 
Greeks, in those times, would have rejected a plan 
divebled of all the errors to be found in that of Ly- 
curgus. it is impossible to civilize a nation at once; 
and indeed, the laws of Lycurgus, considering the 
time when they were formed, and the effects they 
produced on society, cap be regarded in no other 
light than as an astonishing display of wisdom, ener- 
gy and virtue. 



ANCIENT GREECE. &9 



CHAPTER XT. 



ANCIENT GREECE, FROM THE LEGISLATION OF LYCUR' 
GUS, TILL THE ISSUE OF THE PERSIAN INVASION. 

WHOEVKR surveys the Grecian history, will im« 
mediately perceive the inequality of the states, of 
which their grand confederacy was composed. Some 
of them were large and powerful ; others were small 
and perpetually exposed to injustice and insult from 
their haughty neighbors. The Lacedemonians first, 
then the Athenians, and at last the Thebans, were at 
the head of the confederacy ; directed their counsels ; 
led their armies ; often drew them into wars ; indeed 
conquered and enslaved some of them ; and perpet- 
ually aiming at directing the helm in all public con- 
cerns. 5 

Ambition is natural to man ; nor does it ever ap- 
pear more evident, or more odious, than in the con- 
duct of the popular leaders of democratic confedera- 
cies. They cherish what they disclaim, and are, in 
all respects, what they would be thought not to be. 
The artful demagogue has substantial reasons for 
preferring democracy to monarchy. In the latter, 
he has no hopes ; in the former, experience suggests 
to him, that the more noisy he is for liberty, the more 
certainly he shall enjoy all the sweets of power; and 
he well knows, that the more he flatters his blind 
devotees, the more certainly will they suffer their 
eyes to be closely veiled, and the more implicitly 
will they obey his mandates. 

Among the ancient histories, none are so impor- 
tant, or contain such useful instruction, as that of 
Greece. There the ambition, the haughtiness, the 
injustice of large states, and the inconveniences, de- 
pressions, and final subjugation of small ones, afford 
a solemn warning to our own free and happy coun- 
try. In the present chapter, we shall take a brief 
survey of the Grecian history, from the times of Ly- 
8* 



'?0 ANCIENT GREECE, 

curgus till the defeat of the Persians at the batile of 
Plaiaea. and of the issue of the Persian invasion. 

Neither the benign influence of the Olympic 
games, of the laws ot Lvcurgus, nor the Amphicty- 
onic council, could preserve thenn from the rage of 
civil war. The power and ambition of the Lacede- 
monians, soon drew on them the jealousy of their 
sister states. A quarrel breakini: out between them 
and the Messenians. a rich and populous province, 
ijing on the western shores of the Peloponnesus, a 
long and desolating war ensued. Both parlies were 
exasperated by a series of injuries : and it became at 
len^ih. on boih sides, a war of passion, as well as of 
interest, and of extermination, as well as of conquest. 
The Lacedemonians fought for interest, revenge and 
glory : the Messenians. over and above all these, had 
still more powerful motives: they fooght for inde- 
pendence, life and fortune. 

Though fortune seemed early to incline to the 
Spartan cause, as thev were evidently an overmatch 
for their adversaries, yet no advantage was gained, 
but by the greatest efforts, nor maintained, but by the 
utmost vigilance. The ground was always disputed 
with the fiercest conflict ; and every victory was 
dearly bought. At length, however, overpowered by 
the steadv vizor and discipline of the Spartan armies, 
the Messenians were driven from the field, and be- 
sieged m their capital, Ithome. which, after a brave 
resistance, was forced by famine to surrender. 
^ The wretched Messenians. who escaped the sword, 
went into voluntary exile, or became slaves : and 
their valuable territories were quietly possessed by 
their haughty conquerors. The Lacedemonians, 
having now glutted their vengeance, and enriched 
their treasures by the spoils of a sister state, enjoyed 
repose for thirty years. 

How difficult it is to conquer a nation of freemen 
to repress the energies, and crush the spirit of a peo- 
ple determined to be free ! After groaniag in servi- 



ANCIENT GREECE. 91 

tude, and feeling the iron grasp of oppression thirty 
years, the Messenians revolted, shook off the yoke, 
and were able to maintain a war still more formida- 
ble, and by far more doubtful and threatening on 
the side of Sparta. They had previously drawn 
into their alliance the Argives and Arcadians, who 
promised them the most effectual aid they could give. 

They were commanded by Aristomenes, a general 
whose wisdom and temperance could only be equal- 
led by his intrepid bravery. But we cannot descend 
to particulars. The dispute was long and bloody, 
seeming often to threaten the existence of the Spar- 
tan commonwealth ; but fortune at last declared a 
second time against the unhappy Messenians. The 
steady discipline and invincible courage, and great 
resources of Lacedemon prevailed; and the Messe- 
nians, borne down by inevitable destiny, forsook the 
field, dispersed, abandoned their ancient abodes, and 
sought refuge in foreign countries, where a brave 
and enterprising spirit obtainec' for many of them an 
honorable settlement. Their brave and generous 
leader, Aristomenes, after a course of adventures, 
ended his life at Sardis. " Other generals," says Dr. 
Gillies, " have defended their country with better 
s ccess, but none with greater gloi-y ; other charac- 
ters are more fully delineated in ancient history, but 
none are more deserving of immortal fame." The 
conquest of Messenia, by the Spartans, took place 
about 670 years before the Christian era. 

From this period to the defeat of Croesus, king of 
Lydia, by Cyrus, as related in a former chapter, 
comprehending about 120 years, a series of events 
arose, of high importance to the Greeks; and in 
which vast accessions of light are thrown over the 
histories of Europe and' Asia. During this period 
the Assyrian monarchy became extinct; the Persian 
arose to the empire of Asia ; and the Jewish mon- 
archy, having been overthrown, had experienced a 
depression and captivity of seventy years. 



9@ ANCIENT GREECE. 

The forms of government in Greece had, some 
time previously to this, been changed ; and their 
monarchies, or rather tyrannies, had given place to 
democratical republics. The human mind, seeming- 
ly slow in the progress of discovery, ytt rapid in the 
improvement of discoveries, when niside, or of hints 
leading to them, seemed, first among the Greeks, and 
not far from this period, to acquire just views of its 
own natural and inherent rights. As men are nearly 
of equal size and strength of body ; as there is a 
general similarity in their mental endowments; as 
they are actuated by like desires and aversions, pains 
and pleasures ; so they are naturally entitled to equal 
rights, privileges and enjoyments. 

The consideration, that the monarch's power ex- 
ists only by the consent of his subjects, induced the 
Greeks, when they saw that power abused, to with- 
draw from it their support. Pursuing the same 
course of thinking, they were able, at last, to project 
various forms of government, resembling each other 
as to the origin, the distribution, and the end of su- 
preme power. As they saw clearly, that all power, 
in its first principles, was in the people, and that it 
should only be exercised for the good of the commu- 
nity, they contrived to distribute it among various 
persons, who should act by delegation, as servants of 
the public, and who should be responsible to the 
public for their conduct. This may be called a gov- 
ernment of checks. 

The wars, carried on during this period by the 
states of Greece, can by no means have a place in 
this compcnd : for although the ambitious, restless 
and enterprising Greeks were continually agitated by 
feuds and quarrels, arising from their schemes of 
aggrandizement, both in the grand council of Am- 
phictyons and in the sev^eral states, yet they were 
engaged in no wars of considerable moment. The 
sacred war (so called) became interesting and im- 
portant, as it gave rise to the establishment of the 
famous Pythian games. 



ANCIENT GREECE, 93 

The commonwealth of Crissa, a small state, lay 
near the famous temple and oracle of Delphi. Al- 
though that' oracle was highly venerated by all 
Greece, and many other nations, yet the Crisseans, 
allured by the immense treasures deposited there, as 
offerings to the god of wisdom, fell upon, took and 
plundered that sacred place. A thrill of horror 
spread tlirough all Greece, together with the strong- 
est emotions of anger, grief, indignation, and revenge. 
The promiscuous blood of age and innocence, and 
the violation of hunianity, honor and modesty, were 
forgotten in the enormous and dreadful guilt of so 
great a sacrilege. 

To the Amphictyonic council, it belonged to pre- 
scribe what measures should be taken to punish this 
unparalleled outrage. Yet such were the dissensions^ 
the political interests, and more probably the cor- 
rupting power of gold, that that venerable body 
were at much difficulty, before they could resolve 
on proper measures. 

At length, however, they were roused by the elo- 
quence and authority of Solon, one of the Athenian 
representatives, to punish this crime against religion 
and mankind. Bui indecision in their councils ren- 
dered their proceedings slow; nor was it till after 
considerable time was spent^ that the Crisseans were 
besieged in their capital, and ultimately destroyed • 
their cities demolished, and their soil condemned to 
perpetual sterility. 

In gratitude to the gods for the fortunate issue of 
the Crissean or sacred w^ar, the council of Arnphic- 
tyons instituted the Pythian games, which were cele- 
brated with a pomp and splendor little inferior to the 
Olympic. The termination of this war, and the in- 
stitution of those celebrated games, took place 
about 590 years before Christ, in the second year 
of the forty-seventh Olympiad, and about three years 
before the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchad- 
nezzar. 



94 ANCIENT GREECE. 

We are now drawing near to that period, in which 
Greece enjoyed tlie meridian of her glory. The wis- 
dom tjf her counsels formed a powerful confederacy, 
equal in strength to the greatest empires; yet being 
divided into small, independent governments, the 
lawless ambition of individuals found less room for 
action, while personal virtue and enterprise were 
more secure of a due reward. Greece, having pass- 
ed through a long and dubious infancy, began now 
to feel the vigorous bloom of youth, to display a de- 
termined character, and to assume that commanding 
attitude, which never fails to excite confidence, vene- 
ration ar»d respect. 

We have already noticed the soil, climate, and 
general features of that country, which was to cberish 
the first of the ancient nations. No subject is more 
wrapt in darkness, than the origin of the ancient lan- 
gti jges : )et it will scared} be allowed to be conjec- 
ture, when we assert, that the Greek language, from 
its earliest stages, seems to have been the most per- 
fect, which nature ever formed, or divine wisdom 
ever inspired. Its copiousness and strength were no 
less adapted to the boldest eloquence, than its varie- 
gated and harmonious tones to every species of 
poetry. In no language was the grave and dignified 
style of history and moral sentiment, the native 
spirit and life of drama, or the wit and pungency of 
satire, ever better supported. 

All the natural advantages of the Greeks seem to 
have been calculated to extend the mind, to strength- 
en all its faculties, and especially to elevate and em- 
bolden the imagination* The country was well 
formed to yield an easy subsistence to its inhabitants ; 
their government, to cherish genius, and their lan- 
guage was that of poetry and oratory. 

Soon after the institution of the Pythian games, the 
genius of Greece began to display its power, and 
shoot forth all its beauties. The w^orks of the im- 
mortal Homer had been read and admired : indeed 



ANCIENT GREECE. 95 

hej had marked their path with light; enkindling 
it once the hero, the lover, the philosopher, and the 
egislator, wherever they came. But now appear* d 
n succession, Archilochus, Terpander, Sappho, Si- 
nonides, Alcasus, Stersichorus, Anacreon, and Pin- 
lar ; and many others, whose names and eulogy 
night fill a volume. Their variegated strains unfold- 
;d every form of genius, wandered through every 
ield of fancy, extracted sweetness from every blossom 
>f nature, and adapted their harmonious numbers to 
jvery tone of melody, from the thunders of the war- 
ike muse, to the melting accents of the lyre. 

Astonishing were the effects produced by the com- 
)ined influence of so many happy causes. The arts 
md sciences, and vvljatr\er might be expected to 
irise from the best intellectual culture, now began to 
lourish in manly maturity. Perhaps what we ascribe 
o superior strength of mind in the ancients, was 
ather the effect of their amazing indui-try, and the 
'nergy and ardor, with which they puisued the ob- 
ects of knowledge. The moderns, compared with 
hem in this respect, have cause to blush at their own 
ndolence. The Greeks, however, invented, improv- 
d, and perfected; and tliat especially in those walks 
if science, where strength and sublimity of mind are 
nost needful. As a proof of this, we need only men- 
ion the names of Homer, Demosthenes, Alexander, 
)o!on, Pythagoras, Miltiades, Piaxiteles, and Phi- 
lias : we mention them not in the ordt r of time. 

In a former chapter we have given a sketch of the 
^ydian monarchy, founded by Candaulcs, and ended 
n the conquest of Croesus, by Cyrus, king of Persia. 
Although the Lydians were a nation giver, to dissi- 
)ation and the most voluptuous pleasures, yet they 
vere, at this period, brave, enterprising and warlike ; 
ind now, commanded by Croesus, a prince highly re- 
lowned for military and civil accomplishments. The 
jieeks of Asia, if not in Europe also, must soon have 
xperienced inconvenience from the growing power 



96 ANCIENT GREECE. 

of Croesus, whose conquests, power, and splendor, far 
eclipsed those of his predecessors. But a much more 
terrible power was preparing by Providence to ex- 
tinguish for ever the light of Croesus, and to change 
the whole face of things in Western Asia. We have 
already spoken of Cyrus. In this place it shall suf- 
fice to say, that his interference forever delivered 
the Greeks from danger as to the Lydians, but gave 
them a neighbor in himself and successors, much 
more formidable. The states of Greece were duly 
apprized of this, and were unwilling to make so dis- 
advantageous a change. 

While the storm of the Persian invasion was gath- 
ering, Croesus had applied to the Greeks, and espe- 
cially to the Lacedemonians, for aid. Willing that 
the powers of Asia should check and balance each 
other, they were determined with their utmost efforts 
to prop his falling throne. But the celerity of Cyrus 
defeated their intentions; for before their auxiliaries 
could arrive, the decisive blow was struck, and the 
kingdom of Croesus at an end. The aspect of things 
now seemed to promise, that there should soon be 
collision of powers between the Greeks and Persians ; 
but it is highly probable that Cyrus was willing to 
decline an attempt to subjugate that hardy race; 
and especially as Greece presented far weaker al- 
lurements, than the kingdom of Babylon, and the 
wealthy cities of Asia. 

After the conquest of Lydia, while Cyrus was med- 
itating the subjugation of the Asiatic Greeks, he re- 
ceived an embassy from Sparta, with a message emi- 
nently characteristic of that bold and intrepid people. 
The messenger, in a style truly laconic, told Cyrus, 
that if he committed hostilities against any of the 
Grecian cities, the Lacedemonian republic would 
know how to punish his injustice. It is said that 
Cyrus, astonished at the insolence of the message, 
demanded who the Lacedemonians were. This af- 
fected ignorance was rather designed to express hi^ 



■■^mL. 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



Ifl 



contempt, than to gain information. He \ 
who they were. When he was informed tl 
one of the states of the Grecian peninsula, b 
a reply to the ambassadors, which contained a severe 
and just sarcasm upon their national character. He 
told them, "that he should never fear men, who had 
a square in the midst of their city, in which they met 
together to practise mutual falsehood and deception ; 
and that, if he continued to enjoy the blessing of 
health, he hoped to afford them more domestic rea- 
sons of complaint, than his military preparations 
against the Greeks of Asia." 

The Greeks of Asia soon fell a prey to Harpagus, 
whom Cyrus left behind him, with a powerful army, 
to complete the conquest of these countries, while he 
himself, now burning with ambition, directed his 
march tow'ards Babylon. 

For a period of nearly forty years ensuing the tak- 
ing of Sardis, the Lydian capital, nothing will be no- 
ticed in the liistory of Greece. And here it will be 
proper to remark, that the commonwealth of Sparta, 
which, since the close of the Messenian war, had 
holden the first place among the Grecian states, was 
now evidently falling behind that of Athens, and that 
the latter was fast rising in wealth, learning, power 
and influence to the supremacy of Greece ;' an as- 
cendency owing to her commercial enterprise. 

The short and splendid reign of Cyrus, after the 
reduction of Babylon, seems to have been fully" em- 
ployed in settling the affairs of his extensive domin- 
ions. Nor is it probable, that in an empire of such 
extent, he had leisure, or much inclination, to di- 
rect his attention to so inconsiderable an object as 
the Peloponnesus. The Greeks, therefore, remained 
in a measure occupied in their own domestic con- 
cerns, till, in the reign of Darius Hystaspes, an op- 
portunity presented for the Asiatic colonies to throw 
off the Persian yoke. That monarch had determin- 
ed on an invasion of the Scythians, a warlike race of 
9 



98 ANCIENT GREECE. 

people, whose first irruption into the countries of 
Asia, took place in the reign of Cyaxares the First, as 
already noticed. Darius, meditating revenge for an- 
cient, as well as recent, injuries, at the head of 
fOO,000 men, traversed Asia Minor, crossed the Bos- 
phorus of Thrace, and was presently seen on the 
banks of the Danube. Over that broad river, he laid 
a bridge of boats, and crossing it, plunged with his 
immense army into the wilds of Europe. Having 
spent several months in fatiguing marches, vain pur- 
suits, incessant labors, and continual alarms, he found 
his army greatly impaired, their numbers diminished, 
and their spirits wasted. On his return, being en- 
tangled by mountains, forests, rivers and morasses ; 
flying parties continually hung upon his rear, and for- 
midable hordes often throwing themselves in his way, 
threatened to cut off his retreat. The news of his 
disasters reached the Danube, where he had posted 
strong guards to defend the bridge, he had thrown 
across that river. Several of the commanders station- 
ed there advised to break up the bridge, and thereby 
prevent his return, that his ruin might be completed. 
Among the foremost of those advising that measure, 
was Miltiades, the Athenian, who considered this as 
an opportunity, which ought not to be lost, of restor- 
ing the Asiatic Greeks to their liberty. But the plan 
failing of success, Miltiades was compelled to seek 
safety in Athens, to escape the resentment of the 
Persian monarch. This celebrated advice of Mii- 
tlides, of which a particular account is given by Cor- 
nelius Nepos, was defeated by the counsel and autho- 
rity of Histseus, the Milesian ; who thereby saved 
the life of Darius, and brought himself into great 
favor with that prince. Darius, on his return to his 
own dominions, formed the design of punishing, not 
Miltiades alone, but the Athenian commonwealth. 

The conquest of the states of Greece, seems to 
have been a favorite object with the Persians, from 
the time of Cyrus* Their growing power, their in- 



ANCIENT GREECE. 99 

dependent spirit, and especially the lof(y and com- 
manding attitude they assumed and preserved, was 
v/ounding to the pride, and even alarming to the 
fears, of the monarchs of Asia. But the short reign 
of Cyrus was employed in matters judged to he of 
greater moment. 1 he arms of his son Camhyses, 
were carried in a ditferent direction; nor was it till 
the reign of 11} staspes, that an invasion was carried 
into effect. Darius returned fron) his invasion of 
Scythia, covered with shame, and exasperated with 
disappointment. But finding himself re-seated on 
his throne, he considered it as a ma^tter equally dic- 
tated by revenge, interest and honor^'that he should 
now chastise the Greeks, who, during his unfortunate 
expedition to Scythia, had shown but too clearly 
their pleasure in his disgrace, and their readiness to 
co-operate in a plan for his destruction. 

Inflamed with resentment, the Persian king there- 
fore resolved to make the Athenian republic, now re- 
garded as the head of Greece, the first object of his 
vengeance. He, therefore, after extensive prepara- 
tions, considerable delays, and some discouraging 
disasters, fitted out a very great armament, the com- 
mand of which he gave to Datis and Artaphernes, men 
eminently skilled in military command. This mighty 
army contained the flower of his empire, and was con- 
veyed in a fleet sufficient to shade the Grecian seas. 

The majestic armament, after hovering awhile 
among the islands of the Archipelago, at length, with 
solemn grandeur, slowly approached the shores of 
Attica. The flower of the Persian army landed on 
the plain of Marathon, about ten miles from Athens; 
where they pitched their camp. In this interesting 
moment, destined to confirm the glory of Greece, and 
to elevate the Athenians to immortal renown, that 
brave but small republic stood alone ; the other states 
refusing their aid, from republican jealousy, supersti- 
tion, and perhaps the paralizing shock of dubious 
expectation. Whatever it might have been, 10,000 



100 ANCIENT GREECE. 

Athenians, and a few men from Plataea, appeared in 
the field, to cope, as it is allowed by all historians, 
with ten times their number of chosen warriors. 

The Greeks, though few in number, were com- 
pletely armed, and were generally men of strength, 
courage, and tried skill in the gymnastic exercises. 
The celebrated Aristides, who was present in this 
battle, and who had a right, as general, to share in 
the command, magnanimously resigned his right to 
Miltiades, as did all the other commanders of Athens. 
On the morning of the decisive day, Miltiades formed 
his line of battle with the utmost skill and fore- 
sight. 

The heroes of Athens (for such every man of them 
might be called) took the right, and those of Plataea 
the left wing of the line, which was formed on the 
side of a hill ; down which, when the signal for onset 
was given, the Grecian army moved with order and 
rapidity. When they came within the reach of the 
Persian slings and arrows, they ran and closed with 
the enemy with the most impetuous shock. 

The conflict was severe, but short. Nothing could 
resist the valor of the Greeks, or equal the celerity 
of their evolutions. The Persians were dismayed, 
broken, routed and dispersed; they fled to their 
ships in the utmost consternation, leaving 6000 of 
their best troops dead on the field of battle. The 
loss of the Greeks was inconsiderable. 

The death of Darius soon put a period to further 
preparations against Greece ; nor was the invasion 
renewed, till the expiration often years. 

From this period, Athens held unrivalled the as- 
cendency in Greece; but even the cursory reader 
will not refuse a tear over the relentless fate of the 
brave and illustrious Miltiades : for soon after this, 
failing in an attempt against the isle of Pares, he was 
tried for his life, fined an immense sum, and flung 
into prison, where he expired with the wounds he 
bad received in defending his country. He gave 



ANCIENT GREECE. 101 

liberty and empire to his country, for which they re- 
warded him with chains and a dungeon. Nor yet 
can we pronounce with certainty concerning the 
reasons the Athenians had to doubt his integrity, or 
to suspect him of maintaining a clandestine corres- 
pondence with the court of Persia. Many men, 
whom nature has made brave and virtuous, will at 
length become intoxicated with power, blinded with 
self-interest, bewildered with dazzling theories, and 
liable to the deepest seduction. 

The Perisans felt so severe a rebuke with sorrow, 
anger and indignation; and a second invasion was 
resolved on, as the only expedient to wipe away the 
disgrace of this signal defeat, which must otherwise 
remain indelible. The son and successor of Darius 
Hystaspes, was Xerxes, surnamed the great. We 
have already spoken of his famous expedition into 
Greece, in our view of the history of Persia. There 
we particularly noticed the victory obtained over his 
fleet, by the policy and bravery of Themistocles, in 
the battle of Salamis ; and of his precipitate retreat 
to his own dominions: we also noticed the defeat of 
the army, which he left under (he command of Mar- 
donius, in the great and memorable battle of Platsea, 
by the combined armies of the Greeks, under the 
command of Aristides and Pausanias. 

At Marathon, a single state ol Greece had conquer- 
ed the united armies of Persia : at Salamis, the 
Greeks had shewn their superiority by sea : and at 
Platasa, the combined forces of Greece had destroyed 
the most eflicient force, which could be drawn from 
the Persian empire, commanded by their ablest gene- 
rals. The dispute, which for ages had subsisted be- 
tween the Greeks and Persians, was now decided ; 
and it was well for the latter, that the former were 
satisfied without pushing the demonstration further, 
by arguments still more unpleasant. 

The Persians, doubtless, meditated no more inva- 
sions of Greece. The latter was left in the possession 
9* 



1(32 AJVCIENT GREECE. 

of unrivalled glory, and the former were compelled 
to set bounds to their schemes of ambition. 

If the first part of Grecian history conducts the 
reader through a period of fiction, the part which we 
are now upon, opens to the mind a period of virtue, 
genius, merit and lasting fame. They could boast of a 
Homer, whose amazing genius was able to construct 
an epic poem, not only the first,* but the noblest ever 
formed; a poem, from which the mythologist, the 
legislator, the historian, the prince, the soldier, and 
even the geographer, could draw appropriate instruc- 
tions ; a poem, whose form has ever since been re- 
garded as an immutable rule and model of perfection; 
a poem, which has tinged the whole current of poetry 
in all polite nations, and the lofty flights of whose 
muse have never been outsoared. They could boast 
of an Amphictyon, whose wise and comprehensive 
mind had originated the first political confederacy, to 
whose benign influence the prosperity and grandeur 
of Greece may be clearly traced; and to which all 
free, deliberative, representative, legislative bodies do 
homage, as their grand parent. They could boast of 
a Lycurgus, whose powerful projecting mind could 
control the licentious savage with laws, which, if not 
the most amiable and humane, yet displayed an en- 
ergy almost more than mortal ; and which, if they 
did not produce the most happy, certainly produced 
the most masculine, determined and brave society of 
men, ever known. 

But if the institutions of Lycurgus were deficient 
in mildness and urbanity, they could boast of a Solon, 
who united in one system, and condensed into one 
body, the scattered rays of political wisdom and ex- 
perience, gleaned up from the wisest nations of his 
time ; who mingled mercy with justice, and the 
sternest precepts of philosophy with the softer dic- 
tates of sensibility and compassion. 

* It is by no means certain, that Homer's epic poem was ifee 
first, that was erer composed, — En* 



ANCIENT GREECES^ t03 

In short, as we approach to the final issue of the 
-*ersian invasion, we are surprised at a group of great 
haracters, which suddenly crowd the scene. Our 
ninds are struck with the lustre of their virtues and 
ictions. Miltiades, whose talents, as a soldier and 
ommander, availed him instead of a host, first comes 
Drward : then Leonidas and his adventurous com- 
lanions, whose souls appear like so man}' bright 
lames of courage and love of glory : then Themis- 
ocles, whose deep penetration enabled him to pre- 
lict and ward oflf approaching danger; and as by his 
oresight, so by his courage and conduct, to be the 
avior of his countr)'. But their names and due 
fraises would fill a volume. So far are we from 
>eing able to do them justice, that we hope only to 
waken in the reader a desire to trace them at large 
n the pages of ancient history. 



CHAPTER XII. 

NCIENT GREECE, FROM THE PERSIAN INVASION TILL Tltt 
DEATH OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 

IN the preceding view of the history of Greece, 
he reader will perceive, that little mention is made 
f any of the states, except Lacedemon and Athens, 
'or this omission, two reasons are to be assigned ; 
irst, the brevity of this work requires, that but few 
hings be noticed, as we pass through a field of such 
xtent ; and secondly, the other states, whether in 
he Peloponnesus, or out, whether in Europe or Asia, 
^'ere generally animated by the same views and mo- 
ives, governed by the same politics, and followed 
ly the same fortunes. 

Greece had now acquired the summit of her glory 
nd happiness ; but still she continued to exhibit un- 
questionable proofs, that no community can eitheV 



104 ANCIENT GREECE. 

boast of unsullied virtue, or can enjoy unmingled hap- 
piness. Many of those great men, whose talents and j 
virtues raised their country to its present greatness, 
either by their own vices, or the ingratitude and envy 
of their countrymen, were doomed to experience the 
most painful reverse of fortune. Disgraced by their 
country, they descended in poverty, sorrow and in- 
famy, to their graves; leaving it for posterity to do 
justice to their memory. 

It will be remembered, that Pausanias and Aristides 
commanded the Greeks at the celebrated battle of 
Plataea, where the Persians received their last defeat 
under Mardonius. Pausanias afterwards, lost to all 
true sense of rectitude and honor, btcame a traitor, 
and suffered the punishment he deserved. His col- 
league, Aristides, though once banished upon suspi- 
cion, was recalled, and was able fully to demonstrate 
his innocence. He lived to a great age, enjoying the 
highest honors of public confidence, and was sur- 
named the just. But to no commander did the 
Greeks owe more, than to Themistocles. Historians 
generally allow, that after the defeat of the Persian 
invasion, under Darius Hystaspes, the Greeks were 
of opinion, that there would never be another inva- 
sion. Themistocles assured them to the contrary 
He clearly foresaw, that what advantage had been 
gained over the Persians, would rather rouse their 
resentment, and stimulate their ambition, than break 
their spirit. He said, therefore, that the battle of 
Marathon was but a prelude to a more glorious con- 
test ; and by his counsel and authority, the Athenians 
were prevailed upon to forsake their city, which they 
could not have defended, and risk their fortune at 
sea. That was doubtless their salvation, as their 
naval skill far excelled that of the Persians : and 
even when their fleets were drawn up in sight of each 
other, the policy of Themistocles brought on an en- 
gagement contrary to the wish of both fleets, and by 
that means gave the victory to Greece, which did in 
reality decide the fate of the War. 



ANCIENT GREECE. 105 

To the superior genius of Themistocies, therefore, 
Sreece was indebted for her liberties, and her exis- 
tence as a nation ; and to the same the world is in^ 
debted for preserving a nation, who were the fathers 
of literature and government. But his services, 
however important to his country or to the world, 
^.ould not save him. The Spartans regarded him 
with the most implacable hatred and malice., They 
implicated him, as being concerned in tiie treason 
md treachery of Pausanias. They first procured 
bis banishment, then his death. 

In a former chapter it has been said, that the great 
line of histor}' (i. c. if we follow the course of em- 
pire) would scarcely strike into Greece, till the era 
3f Alexander. But this remark must be understood 
in a sense extremely limited ; for at the close of the 
Persian invasion, and ever afterwards, nothing re- 
mained with the Persians but the shadow of empire : 
for, being compelled to acknowledge the superiority 
3f the Greeks, both by sea and land, they were wil- 
ling to accept of peace on any terms. ' 

By a most vigorous system of war, arts, agricul- 
ture and commerce, the Grecian empire now spread 
in every direction ; and the coast of Asia, from Syria 
to the Bosphorus of Thrace, owned her sovereignty, 
including all the adjacent islands. It extended also 
3n the shores of Europe, from Epirus round the 
peninsula of Greece, and stretching to Macedon, 
Thrace and the Euxine sea. 

Soon after the close of the Persian war, the Athe- 
nians rebuilt their city, which had been destroyed by 
Kerxes; or rather built it anew, and enclosed it with 
walls, whose height and solidity rendered them im- 
pregnable to any common form of attack. They also 
built the famous harbor, called the Piraeus, which 
lay about five miles from the citadel of Athens. 
This harbor was large, and convenient for the whole 
Grecian navy. Here a new city directly arose, near- 
ly of equal size with Athens. This new city, the 



106 ANCIENT GREECE. 

harbor, and the intermediate buildings, were soon 
after, in the administration ofCimon, the son of Mil- 
tiades, enclosed in walls of amazing strength, extend- 
ing from the old city ; so that the enclosing walls of 
Athens were upwards of eighteen usiles in length. 

Under the administration of Cimon, and Pericles, 
these and various oiher public works were completed ; 
so that Athens now began to assume a lorm and aspect 
exceedingly magnificent and splendid. If Eabjion, 
Nineveh, or Persepolis, covered a greater extent of 
ground ; if they contained structures of greater di- 
mensions, still their real glory and magnificence bore 
no comparison to those superb structures, to which 
Grecian architecture gave hirth ; and their internal 
decorations, in comparison with those of Athens, and 
of other Grecian cities, were like the huge caverns 
and gloomy vaults, formed by the hand of nature. 
Not far from this period the republic of Elis built the 
celebiated temple of Olympian Jupiter; a work 
equalled in no subsequent age. To afford diversity to 
the young reader, we shall here give a brief descrip- 
tion of this famous temple, abridged from Dr. Gillies. 

There had long subsisted a contest between the 
Eleans and Pisans, concerning the right of superin- 
tending the celebration of the Olympic games. This 
quarrel resulted in a w^ar, in which the Pisans were 
conquered, and all their effects were appropriated to 
the building of a temple to Jupiter, by whose assist- 
ance the Eleans were supposed to be victorious. 

This temple was of the Doric order, built of stone 
resembling the Parian marble, and encircled with a 
surperb colonnade. Its dome was 60 feet in height, 90 
broad, and 230 long. It was covered with a rare 
kind of marble, cut in the form of tiles. At each 
extreme of the roof stood a golden vase, and in the 
middle a golden victory ; below which, was a shield 
embossed with Medusa's head, of gold. On the 
pediment, stood Pelops and Oenomaus, ready to begin 
the Olynapic race in the presence of Jupiter. This 



ANCIENT GREECE. 107 

ault was adorned with the battle of the Centaurs 
nd Lapithae. The labors of Hercules distinguished 
lie principal entrance. 

Ai'ter passing the brazen gates, you discover 
phitus, who, as we have seen, founded the Olympic 
ames, crowned by his spouse, Echechiria : thence 
tie way led through a noble portico, to the majestic 
reation of Phidias, the Athenian ; which formed the 
rand ornament of the temple, as well as of Greece. 
?he god was sitting on a throne, and of such colossal 
tature that his head reached the roof, 60 feet in 
leight. This mighty image was composed of gol'd 
nd ivory. In his left hand, was a burnished sceptre, 
n his right, an image of victory, and on his head, an 
n'amellcd cruwn of laurel. His robes and sandals 
veve variegated with flowers and animals of gold, 
lis throne was of ivory and ebony, inlaid with pre- 
ious stones. The feet which supported it, and the 
illets which joined them, were adorned with innu- 
nerable figures, among which were the Theban 
hildren torn by sphinxes, and Apollo and Diana 
hooting the beautiful and once flourishing family of 
•Jiobe. Upon the most conspicuous part of the 
hrone, were eight statues, representing the gymnastic 
xercises, and a beautiful figure, resembling young 
^autarus, the favorite scholar of Phidias, who, in the 
ontest of the hoys, had lately won the Olympic prize. 
)n the four pillars, which between the feet, sustained 
he throne, were delineated the Hesperides, guarding 
he golden apples; Atlas with mighty effort sustain- 
ng the heavens, with Hercules ready to assist him; 
calamine with naval ornaments in her hand, and 
Achilles supporting the beautiful expiring Penihesilea. 

But the ornaments of this temple .and stalues were 
ndescribable; presentinif at once to the eye, a scene 
)f elegance, beauty, anti majesty, which no words can 
)aint. There were in Greece, three other temples, 
f not equal in all, yet far superior to this, in some 
aspects, (viz.) that of Ceres and Proserpine, at Eleu- 



108 ANCIENT GREECE. 

sis in Attica ; of Diana, at Ephesus ; of Apollo, at 
Miletus, and of Jupiter, at Athens. 

During this period, the Greeks seemed to unite 
every thing i'l their character and actions, which was 
old, enterprising or great ; but we cannot add, every 
thing, that was ju^t, generous and humane. Many of 
their greatest men, they banished ; some, on real con- 
viction, but more, it is presumed, on suspicion, from 
the base motives of jealousy and envy ; and the 
season of happiness and glory for the Greeks scarce- 
ly arrived, before it was forever past. They now 
began to (eel the corrupting influence of wealth, 
power and prosperity. Luxuries, like an over- 
whelming flood, rolled in from every quarter ; and 
the insolence of prosperity, and pride of empire, 
struck at the heart of public morals and virtue, and 
began secretly to undermine that power, which had 
raised the Greeks to such an exalted height. 

The career of those great men, we have just men- 
tioned, was scarcely past, when the administration of 
Pericles opened scenes more splendid, more flatter- 
ing to the vanity, and more corrupting to the virtue, 
of Athens, than any, which had been before his day. 
Pericles was endowed with every accomplishment, 
necessary to enable him to influence and to govern. 
The most persuasive and commanding eloquence, 
added to the greatest personal attractions and intel- 
lectual powers, rendered him the most extraordinary 
man of his time. He was artful, bold and magni- 
ficent. He was a friend to every thing great and 
elegant in the arts and sciences; a professed repub- 
lican ; an accomplished courtier; capable of build- 
ing cities; of commanding armies; of leading men's 
understanding by the force of his reason, however 
fallacious, and of inflam.ing their passions by his ora- 
tory. It is said that he thundered, when he spake. 

Ambition was his ruling pri iciple. His schemes, 
which were generally concerted with policy, and 
executed with success, tended uniformly to sink the 



A!rcIETJT GREECE. 109 

Slates of Greece into one genera! mass, on which he 
might raise, adorn and glorifj the Athenian empire. 
In short, his aim was to make Athens the supreme 
arbiter of Greece, and himself the head of Athens. 

The history of Greece, from the battle of Plataea 
till the Peloponnesian war, is, in a great measure, the 
history of governments, and of arts and sciences. 
We shall pass over this, therefore, a period of about 
50 years, and proceed to a brief survey of that war : 
and we shall see its causes early planted, and its ef- 
fects gradually forming.the theatre for the Macedo- 
nian conqueror. 

'i'he warlike Medes were inebriated by the wealth 
and luxuries tFiey found in the first Assyrian empire, 
which they subdued. The Persians drank the same 
deadly draught from the conquest of the second. 
The Greeks were effeminated by the conquest of the 
Persians; and the Romans, as we shall see in tracing 
our line, experienced the same, in the conquest of 
Carthage and Greece. Throughout all ancient his- 
tory, we see virtue, industry and bravery, combined 
with ambition, raising nations to empire ; and we see 
wealth, luxury and vice, undermining and plunging 
them down to destruction. 

We have already noticed the ascendency, which 
the Spartans gained among the states of Greece, in 
the first ages of those republics. At first, it was real ; 
at length only nominal ; but after the battles of Ma- 
rathon, Salamis, and Plataea, it existed no longer. 
The Athenians seem to have been superior to their 
sister states in genius, enterprise, and local situation. 
The gradual, but powerful operation of these, together 
with many other advantages, more particular and ac- 
cidental, rendered them superior to all. But by 
whatever causes they acquired superiority, one thing 
is certain, they used it with far less moderation, than 
the Lacedemonians had done before them. The 
menacing tone, and haughty air, they assumed, were 
but ill calculated to promote their ancient union": 
10 



110 ANCIENT GREECE. 

and indeed they now seemed only solicitous to extort, 
by force, from their neighbors, degrading acknowl- 
edgments and humiliating concessions. 

This haughty and overbearing spirit clearly ap- 
peared in the administration of Pericles. His lofty 
and aspiring genius, his bold and animated eloquence, 
prevailed on his countrymen to throw off the mask, 
and assert their right to supremacy. The conse- 
quence was, the extinction of all union, general re- 
sentment, combinations, conspiracies, and ci^il and 
desolating wars. In the jjeneral calamities, Athens 
shared largely. The Peloponnesian war was pro- 
ductive of incalculable evils; evils of which Greece 
never recovered — equally subversive of morals, lib- 
erty and empire : and which prepared the way for 
the conquest of Alexander. 

The states of Greece, with equal astonishment and 
indignation, received ambassadors from Pericles, to- 
gether with a mandate, that all the states and colo- 
nies should, by their deputies, assemble at Athens, to 
adopt measures for rebuilding ruined temples, and 
paying due respects to the immortal gods, for their 
assistance in the Persian war. An order so extraor- 
dinary, in so imperative a tone, was received by 
many with deep disgust, and secret murmurs; by the 
Spartans, with resentment and derision ; and by none, 
with due submission, but those states, whose depen- 
dence had already insured their acquiescence."^ The 
tendency of this measure, was to render Athens the 
source of authority and the centre of deliberation, 
action, power and honor. 

When Pericles understood, how this requisition 
was received at Lacedemon, he is said to have ex- 
claimed, with his usual forcible and figurative style, 
" I behold war advancing, with wide and rapid steps, 
from the Peloponnesus." In this conflict of power, 
policy, wealth and ambition, it was perceived, that 
Athens and Sparta must form the two rallying points ; 
and both those powers had endeavored, by every ar- 



ANCIENT GREECE. 1 1 1 

tifice of open and secret negociation, to strengthen 
their cause by leagues, alliances and auxiliaries. 

This men)orable war was begun by the Corinthians 
and Corcyreans, a colony from Corinth, about 439 
years before the Christian era. 

Corcyra is an island near the entrance of the Ad- 
riatic sea. East of it lies the kingdom of Epirus ; 
and west, the bay of Tarentum. This island has 
been famous even from the times of Homer, who 
calls it Pboe^.cia. Its present name is Corfu. From 
remote antiquity this island has been celebrated for 
its wealth, beauty, and at times, for its naval and mil- 
itary character. The republic of Corinth bad early 
sent a colony to Corcyra, which soon grew into a 
wealthy and powerful state, and was able to resist the 
haughty and imperious requisitions of the mother 
country. Nor shall we find a more convenient place 
than this, to notice an essential blemish in the moral 
and political character of the ancient Greeks. 

The spirit of emigration and colonizing prevailed 
more with th^ Greeks, than with any nation, ancient 
or modern. It was, indeed, the natural result of their 
national character, form of government, and local 
situation. Enlightened, free, independent and enter- 
prising, the defenceless state of many of their more 
barbarous neighbors, invited their aggressions ; and 
the numerous islands of the surrounding seas, gave 
ample room and full scope to the indulgence of their 
roving and restless propensities. They emigrated, 
invaded, conquered and colonized. And, before the 
commencement of the Peloponnesian war, could their 
powers have been brought to a common focus, by a 
plan of policy sufficiently strong and combining, they 
would have formed the most powerful and warlike 
nation ever known. But, in this respect, they were 
far behind the Romans. Divided into small inde- 
pendent governments, they were distracted and torn 
by mutual jealousies ; and their caprice, tyranny and 
vengeancej were often wreaked upon their refractory 



112 ANCIENT GREECE. 

colonies, towards whom they made it a point to pre- 
serve an attitude the most commanding and super- 
cilious. A predominance of this unhappy temper, 
occasioned perpetual broils, and at last, brought on 
an eventful struggle, from the deplorable conse^ 
quences of which, Gieece never recovered. 

After some battles, and various success, the Cor- 
cjreans, finding themselves in danger of being over- 
Gome, applied to Athens for aid, which was granted. 
In the mean time, the war is prosecuted with vigor : 
the Athenians send aid to Corcyra. Corinth is over- 
matched, and applies to Sparta and the Peloponne- 
sian states; and they, at length, fall in on the part of 
Corinth. Thus, instead of Corinth and Corcyra, 
were seen ^Athens and Lacedemon in the field of 
action, the states of Greece divided, nnd the devasta- 
tions of war spreading over their fairest provincesr? 

The Spartans, vif in any degree less warlike than 
in former times, were certainly more enlightened, 
more politic, and directed by maturer councils*^ 
Their bravery and fortitude were still terrible to the 
haughty Athenians; and Pericles himself might have 
seen reasons for wishing, that he had been satisfied 
with a more tacit acknowledgment of Athenian great- 
ness; especially, when he now often saw that proud 
capital tottering on the brink of destruction, exposed 
to the fortune of a most eventful war, and severely 
distressed by pestilence. , 

While the confederate armies wore ravaging the 
country of Attica, even almost to the gates of Athens, 
a dreadful plague broke out in that city. As its first 
appearance was at the Pira3us, it was generally he- 
lleved to have been imported from abroad in the 
Athenian vessels. This was about the year before 
Christ, 430. 

The glory of Greece was now past its meridian : 
for, whatever party might prevail, the reader must 
perceive a train of inevitable evils in consequence. 
Deplorable is the state of a kingdom diviekd againsl 



ANCIENT GREECE. 113 

'Isdf, For the particulars in this wide and melan- 
choly scene of war, destruction and nnisery, the 
reader must be referred to the histories of those 
limes. There he will find, that on the 1 6th of May, 
404 years before Christ, at the end of 27 years from 
Ihe commencement of this unhappy conflict, Athens, 
:he glory of Greece, the mistress of the arts and sci- 
ences, was taken by the confederate armies, and her 
walls, her towers and her fortresses, levelled to the 
ground. 

The day, says Dr. Gillies, was concluded by the 
I'ictorious confederate armies, with a magnificent 
festival, in which the recitation of poems, as usual, 
formed a part of the entertainment. Among other 
pieces was rehearsed the Electra of Euripides, and 
particularly that aflfecting chorus, " We come, O 
daughter of Agamemnon, to thy rustic and humble 
roof." These words were scarcely uttered, when 
the whole assembly melted into tears. The forlorn 
condition of that young and virtuous princess, ex- 
pelled the royal palace of her father, and inhabiting 
a miserable cottage, in want and wretchedness, re- 
':alled to mind the dreadful vicissitude of fortune, 
kvhich had befallen Athens, once mistress of the sea, 
?ind sovereign of Greece, but deprived, in one fatal 
hour, of her ships, her walls, and her strength, and 
reduced from the pride of prosperity and power, to 
misery, dependence and servitude, without exerting 
one memorable effort to brighten the last moment of 
her destiny, and to render her fall illustrious, n 

The Peloponnesians vainly boasted, that the fall 
of Athens would be the era of Grecian liberty. 
Athens, indeed, tasted that bitter cup, which lawless 
pride and ambition generally presents to her votaries. 
By her situation, her genius and prosperity, she 
seemed designed as the guardian of Greece; but her 
ambition to govern or to conquer, which none in- 
flamed more than Pericles, was as rash and presump- 
tuous, as it was foolish and vain. Athens, thus 
10* 



114 ANCIENT GREECE". 

humbled, prostrated, and crushed, never rose (o her 
former state; and the power?, which triumphed over 
her, were involved in her destiny j resembling the 
members of a body, which revolt from the head, cast 
it down, and trample it in the dust. 

After this period, however, many great men ap- 
peared in Greece; but no general bond of union could 
be formed. Intervals of peace were short ; and their 
few virtuous characters only shown like passing 
meteors, for a moment. If Alcibiades was famous 
for his talents, he was no less infamous for his vices ; 
and the few splendid actions, he performed were ut- 
terly insufficient to counteract the general effects of 
caprice, crooked policy, and a total want of virtue. 

Athens had scarcely recovered a measure of liberty, 
by the exertions of Thrasybulus,* and began to res- 
pire, after a shock so paralizing, and calamities so 
dreadful, when war again broke out. This is com- 
monly called the^oeotian war. Instead of rising, as 
did the former, from the Peloponnesus, it now point- 
ed its averjging flames toward that haughty combina- 
tion of powers., and menaced them with a fate, similar 
to that of Athens. It is remarkable, that as the sun 
of ancient Greece was still lingering on the western 
horizon, as if loath to set, she at times displayed an 
effulgence of genius, which few nations could boast, 
when enjoying their meridian of glory. In the days 
of glory, which Sparta and Athens had seen, it was 
little expected, that Boeotia would ever be the terror 
of Greece ; would not only excite their jealousies, 
but alarm their fears, and would render necessary 
their utmost exertions, not to say in defence of their 
honor, but of their national existence. 

Historians, without a dissenting voice, allow? Epa- 
minondasvto have been great in the various characters 
of statesman, hero, patriot and commander. The 

* After the Peloponnesian war, the government of Athens was 
usurped by 30 men, " the dependents and creatures of Sparta," 
who, on account of their tyranny, are generally called the Thirty 
TyrarUt, From these, Athens was delivered by Thrasybulus.-^ED» 



ANCIENT GREECE. 115 

rhebans and their confederates were led by this 
i^ost accomplisl^ed general into the Peloponnesus, 
Lacedeniou was Ihcir nnark. They ravagjed the 
:ountry of Laconia, even to the gates of Sparta, 
riiat proud and powerful people had not seen such a 
iajr for five hundred years. The skill and valor of 
Agesilaus saved them. 

The course of human affairs resembles a revolving 
wheel, some parts of which are perpetually rising, 
»ome falling; some are up, and some down. It is in- 
:Tedible, that Lacedemon should be compelled to 
apply to Athens for aid, whom she had so lately 
:onquered ; but this she did, and that with success. 
The war progressed with vigor; was protracted; 
iiad various turns, and was at leny;(h teiminated in a 
General battle, at Mantinasa. This bailie is allowed 
lo have been the most equally matched, the ablest 
conducted, and the most bravely fought, of any one 
?ver fought in Greece. While the fortune of the 
i'dy was evidently declaring for the Thebans, Epa- 
triinondas was killed. This roused the drooping 
spirits of the Spartan allies, and at last rendered the 
k^ictory doublfuL It was claimed on both sides. 

With Epaminondas, expired the martial spirit of 
his country : for, although the Thebans maintained 
the ascendency for some years, and were able, for a 
while, even to control the decisions of the Amphic- 
lyonic council, yet they gradually stink to their former 
insij^nificaiice. This great general terminated his 
career in the 2d year of the lOUh Olympiad, 36S 
years before Christ, and may be considered as one 
of the lai?t expiring lights of the Grecian republics. 

Within eiizht years of the death of Epaminondas, 
Alexander the Great was born, generally acknowl- 
edged to be the first of heroes and of conquerors. 
Under his powerful srepire, the Greeks, the Persians 
and even the Indians, formed but one amazing field 
of conquest. 

Empire first having taken her flight from Persia 
and irom the Grecian republics, seemed for a white 



116 ANCIENT GREECE. 

hovering on other shores and coasts, as in doubt 
where to settle. 

More than 800 years before the Christian era, a 
colony from the ancient city of Tyre, whose history 
we have already noticed, crossed the Mediterranean, 
and setL^tid in Africa. Those enterprising adven- 
turers, conducted by the celebrated Dido, founded 
the city and empire of Carthage. The Carthagi- 
nians, by degrees, extended themselves along the 
shores of Africa, and subdued the islands of the Med- 
iterranean, great part of Sicily, and even many isl- 
ands in the Atlantic ocean. They succeeded, and 
very far exceeded their mother country, in the em- 
pire of commerce, and were for many years masters 
of the sea. But the Carthaginians, like the Trojans, 
were destined, after flourishing a while, to enhance 
the triumph and exalt the fame of their conquerors. 
They were checked by the Greeks, and (inally sub- 
dued by the Romans. 

The Romans, about this time, flourished under a 
consular administration. Manlius Torquatus, Decius 
Mus, and others, were cotemporary with Alexander. 
But the Romans were yet unknown to fame; their 
wars not having extended beyond the small tribes 
and states of Italy : for it is remarkable, that, after 
Rome had been an independent state 360 years, her 
territories did not extend twenty miles from the city. 

But a power was now rapidly rising'-, much nearer 
to Greece, which was to change the scene in Europe 
and Asia, and to influence the state of numerous na- 
tions, to ages unborn. 

Northwestwardly of the head of the Archipelago, 
and separated from that sea by several small Grecian 
republics, lay the country of Macedon. Its exact 
size, as also its boundaries northwardly, were little 
known even to the ancients, and still less to modern 
geographers. The country was rough, mountainous, 
and, for the most part, wild and barren. As early as 
the Persian invasion, these parts were little known. 



ANCIENT GREECE. 117 

riiey had been colonized and subdued by the Athe- 
lians, bat had revolted in the course of the Pelo- 
(onnesian war. 

Amyntas, the grand-father of Alexander the Great, 
^'as the first prince of that dynasty, of any consider- 
ble note in history. He is represented by Quintus 
^urtius, as a man of great abilities, equally brave in 
he field, and wise in council. But, overwhelmed 
k^ith difficulties both foreign and domestic, he was 
ble only to plant those seeds of greatness, which 
lere afterwards to flourish and influence the destiny 
if half the nations of the earth. During his reign, 
he Macedonians were too wild and barbarous to 
oalesce in any settled plan of policy, civil or mili- 
ary. Of course they were kept in perpetual fear 
rom the inroads of the lllyrian tribes, which skirted 
hem on the north. 

The Greeks, likewise, though wasting aw^ay by 
wift degrees, in the fires of civil war, were still war- 
ike and powerful, under the administrations of Cimon, 
Vricles and Epaminondas. The life of Amyntas 
vas strongly imbittered by intrigues and conspiracies, 
n his own palace, carried on by his famous, or rather 
nfamous queen Eurydice: a calamity, which, amid 
11 their greatness, seemed to pursue that whole dy- 
lasty of Macedonian kings, until it exterminated the 
losterity of Philip, king of Macedon. 

Amyntas had three sons, Alexander, Perdiccas and 
^hiiip, the father of Alexander the Great. After a 
roubiesome reign, he was succeeded by his eldest son 
Uexander, who found full employment in repelling 
he invasions of his ferocious and warlike neighbors- 
n an unsuccessful war with the Illyrians, he was com- 
)elled to become tributary, and to give a royal hos- 
agc. lie gave his younger brother Philip, who, dur- 
ng his residence with those rude but martial people, 
:ained a knowledge of them, which was afterwards 
>f eminent service to him ; though he was then but a 
>oy. On a similar occa-^ion, being afterwards sent to 
Phebes, he there enjoyed the greatest advantages. 



118 ANCIENt GREECE, 

Epaminondas then flourished ; and taking Philip 
under his immediate protection and care, he educated 
him together with his own son, in the Grecian lite- 
rature, in which he made great proficiency. The 
school of adversity, gives lessons of wisdom, and im- 
parts an energy to man, almost indispensable to great- 
ness. For the most part, the more pampered and 
delicate children of easy fortune are enervated in the 
germe and blossom of life, and are forever hushed on 
the downy lap of prosperity, to inglorious repose. 

It was not so with Philip. In those adverse for- 
tunes, which could not break his spirit, he learnt pa- 
tience, humility and wisdom. Fie found ample re- 
sources in his own mind, made strong by exertion, 
and rich by experience. 

Three years after the battle of Mantinasa, and the 
death of Epaminondas, Philip found that country in 
the utmost confusion. There had been no settled 
administration; but civil w^ar, assassinations, revolu- 
lior}s and anarchy* Philip was a prince of great 
abilities, and equal ambition. He cast his eyes over 
the wide prospect ; and, allured by the most brilliant 
hopes of aggrandizing his family, and invited by the 
degenerate effeminacy of the Athenians, the discord 
of the Peloponnesians, and the general weakness of 
all Greece, he laid the plan of an empire, which his 
son was destined to execute, and to exceed. Fortune 
seconded his views. His measures, taken with pro- 
found policy, and executed with surprising celerity, 
soon put him in peaceable possession of Macedon. 
He married Olympias, a beautiful princess of Epirus, 
whose personal and metif^l attractions made her no 
less worthy of his regard, than the greatness of her 
family, descended from Achilles, rendered her worthy, 
of sharing his throne. 

The Greeks, now degenerated from the glory of 
their ancestors, found their chief resource against the 
arms and policy of Philipyin the sublime and power- 
ful eloquence of Demosthenes. The muses, partial 



ANCIENT GREECE. 119 

) this delightful land of their nativity, having long 
efore this done what they could in forming the 
ther of poets, now^ made their last efforts in forming 
1 orator, never to be excelled. But, alas ! in vain 
ere the powers of rhetoric displayed. The strong- 
it reasons and the sublimest descriptions, the most 
»lemn warnings, the most animated addresses, were 
itidotes too feeble to recover a nation, forever lost 

► virtue; they were arms and bulwarks far too weak 
• resist a powerful conqueror. Yet they often seem- 
3 to resuscitate the dying flame of liberty, and co- 
perating with other impediments to the consumnia- 
on of Philip's ambition, that prince left his main 
Uerprise to be eflfected by his son. 

A letter from Philip to Aristotle, the Grecian phi- 
sopher, announcing the birth of Alexander, his son, 

worthy of insertion ; " Know, that a son is born to 
5. We thank the gods, not so much for their gift, 
1 for bostowing it at a time, when Aristotle lives. 
Je assure ourselves, that you will form him a prince, 
orthy of his father and of Macedon." When Alex- 
ider was thirteen years old, Aristotle commenced 
lis employment, as the young prince was then found 
Die to receive and digest his instructions. " It is 
npossihle to say how far the greatness of the one 
as owing to the instructions of the other; but it is 

> more certain that the one conquered the world, 
lan that the other's opinions predominated over 
en's understandings during sixteen centuries."* 

In the full career of pleasure and ambition, Philip 
as assassinated, in the 47th year of his age, and 
1th of his reign, by Pausanias, as he was walking 
om his palace to see the public games, between his 
m Alexander, and his nephew of the same name, 
hilip had been very unhappy in his family, had 
ate at a public feast, in a rage drawn his sword and 
ished upon his son to kill him; but Alexander by a 
uick motion of his body evaded the blow aimed at 
* Dr. Gillies. 



320 ANCIENT GREECE. 

his life. It was believed bj many, that he was privy 
to his father's assassination. 

Thus fell Philip, in the vigor of his life ; his favo- 
rite schemes being as yet accomplished but in part. 
When we view his life, actions, achievements and 
character, we can entertain little doubt, that he was 
the ablest statesman of any monarchy beyond the 
Augustan age. 

Alexander immediately ascended his father's 
throne ; and it was soon perceived, that the admini- 
stration of the government would lose nothing by 
the change. 

His first enterprise was against the barbarous and 
warlike nations, that lay north and west of Macedon. 
Wherever he turned his face, all opp®sition vanished 
before him. On the death of his father, many pow- 
erful and independent tribes of Thrace had seized 
the opportunity, expecting to avail themselves of the 
inexperience and youth of his son. But Alexander, 
although he was now, and from the moment of his 
accession to the throne, preparing for the invasion of 
Persia, determined to convince them, that they had 
nothing to hope from his inexperience, nor to expect 
from his negligence. At the head of a well appoint- 
ed army, and with generals, whom his father had 
taught the art of war, he penetrated into Thrace, and 
was victorious in several sharp encounters. He cross- 
ed the Danube, and displayed his triumphant standard 
on the northern banks of that river. ^ There, many , 
neighboring nations, struck with the Terror of his 
an.«3, sent him their submission in the humblest terms.] 

But while he was marching and conquering in the 
wilds of Europe, a report was spread in Greece, that 
he had fallen in battle. Whether the belief of this 
was real or pretended, the perfidious Greeks, though 
thfty had just before complimented him by appointing 
him general of Greece, began now industriously to 
foment a war with Macedon. Athens, Sparta, and 
particularly Thebes was at the head of this attempt. 



ANCIENT GREECE* 121 

The news of this diversion reached the youthful con- 
queror, as he was ready to return. In eleven days 
le was seen before Thebes; which ancient and ven- 
erable city he had destined to utter destruction. He 
ook it by storm, put the inhabitants to the sword, 
md levelled it to the ground. Thus ended the city 
)f Cadmus, after having remained one of the heads 
)f Greece 710 years. 

The Greeks, struck with dread at the fate of 
riiebes, sent ambassadors to appease the resentment 
>f Alexander, and to congratulate him on the success 
►f his northern expedition. I^ever did the character 
»f a nation undergo a greater change, than that of 
jreece, from the times of Miltiades to those of Alex- 
nder. They now were as low, as they had been 
xalted ; as feeble as they had been strong; and as 
(lean and base, as they had been noble and magnifi- 
ent. Indeed, so rapid was their declension, that the 
Drtune of Alexander was to them rather a favor, than 

scourge. 

But nothing could exceed the decision and dis- 
latch of his counsels, the energy of his preparations, 
r the rapidity of his motions. He despised all 
lower counsels, all delays, and even the usual pre- 
autions, which commonly retard warlike schemes. 
lis father's ablest generals were astonished at tlie 
Igor and success, with which he executed the boTd- 
st plans. One reason he assigned for invading 
'ersia, was a pretended suspicion, that their emis- 
iries had been cojicerned m the murder of his 
ither ; although the impartial reader of history 
annot avoid a suspicion of a very different nature. 

Alexar.Her, having intrusted his domestic concerns 
or such now were those of Macedon and Greece) to 
iiitpater, set forward on his Persian expedition, at 
ir head of an army consisting of 5,000 horse and 
0,0' (0 foot. In twenty days he arrived at the 
Lellespont, where he crossed without opposition into 
isia. 

11 



122 ANCIENT GREECE, 

With SO small an army, says Quintns Curtius, it is 
doubtful, which is most admirable, the boldness or 
the success of Alexander's vast enterprise. His 
army was truly a veteran arm3% consisting of old men, 
who had fought in the earlier wars of his father and 
uncle. His soldiers were grey headed, and when 
embodied, they resembled the venerable senate of 
some ancient republic. Their dependence was not 
on the swiftness of their feet, but on the strength of 
their arms. 

The extensive regions of the Persian empire wore 
inhabited by various nations, without any common 
bond of religion, manners, language, or government. 
Their capital cities were dissolved in luxury; and 
their provinces had long been in a state of real dis- 
memberment, for want of any combining system of 
policy, either civil or military. Murders, treasons 
and assassinations were the usual steps to the throne; 
and, when seated there, the monarch's business was 
little better. 

Although the Persians were abundantly forewarned 
of Alexander's intentions, yet they suffered him to 
advance into their dominions, unmolested either by 
sea or land. In their confusion and alarm, which 
every day strengthened by intelligence of the rapid 
advances of the Greeks, the advice of their ablest 
counsellors was rejected, either through ignorance or 
envy. The most skilful generals in the service of 
Darius, urged the utter impolicy of risking a general 
battle with Alexander, whose impetuous valor, now 
enhanced by the necessity of conquering, would 
drive him into the most desperate efforts. It was 
therefore advised to lay waste the wide country be- 
fore him, and tame his courage by delays. By this 
policy, Fabius afterwards checked the progress of 
Hannibal, and saved Rome. 

But the foolish and haughty satraps of Persia rc» 
jected this advice with disdain, as unworthy of the 
dignity of the empire of Cyrus, especially, as it came 



ANCIENT GREECE. 123 

from Memnon, the Rliodian ; the only general, how- 
ever, in the armies of Darius, whose opposition ap- 
peared at all formidable to Alexander. This great 
man, however, was soon removed by death ; and 
Darius was left to the folly and perfidy of men, who 
knew no language but that of flattery. 

The river Granicus issues from mount Ida, in the 
Lesser Phr}gia,and falls into the Propontis. On the 
eastern baikks of this river, the Persian commanders 
assembled their forces with the utmost expedition, 
and determined to resist the shock of the enemy; 
and from this place, the scouts of Alexander brought 
him the desired intelligence, that the Persians were 
assembled in considerable force. As he approached 
the river, he perceived the Persian army on the op- 
posite bank. Determined on an attack, he immediately 
made dispositions for crossing the river. His cavalry 
opened to the right and left, and displayed the form- 
idable Macedonian phalanx of infantry, divided into 
eight sections. A line was instantly formed. 

While these arrangements were making, Parmenio, 
a general as celebrated for bravery as for caution, 
remonstrated against crossing the river in such dan- 
gerous circumstances. The channel, though forda- 
ble, was deep and rough, the current rapid, and the 
bank steep and rocky. The enemy stood on the op- 
posite bank; and the river must be forded, and the 
bank ascended, under showers of arrows and darts. 
But nothing could intimidate Alexander. He leaped 
upon his horse, assumed the command of the right 
wing, and gave the left to Parmenio. As he dispersed 
his orders, a fearful silence ensued, and both armies 
expected the onset. In a few moments, the Macedo- 
nian trumpet was heard from all the line, and the 
whole was seen entering the river. 

As they reached the opposite bank, the shock was 
dreadful : for the Persians, who fought for life and 
empire, received them with the most obstinate 
bravery^ Alexander was conspicuous by the bright- 



124 ANCIENT GREECE. 

ness of his armor, the terror of his voice, the aston- 
ishing celerity of his movements, and the victory 
and death which attended his arm. He infused his 
spirit into his army. It was impossible not to be 
brave, where he was. But his intrepidity led him 
into dangers, which none but himself ever seemed 
destined to escape. His spear was broken in his 
hand ; his helmet saved his life from the stroke of a 
battle-axe ; and the brave Ciitus, whom he afterwards 
murdered in the fnrv of passion, saved him at the 
same instant from the stroke of a scimitar, which 
must have proved fatal. 

The fortune of the day was nearly decided, before 
the phalanx of infantry could ascend from the river. 
Their dreadful aspect, glittering with steel, completed 
the victory ; and the Persians were either killed, 
taken, or dispersed. Besides that this battle seemed 
to presage the future fortune of the war, it was ruin- 
ous to the cause of Darius, who here lost several of his 
ablest commanders, with about 20,000 men, while, 
incredible to relate, Alexander lost only 30 or 40. 

The fortune of no conqueror is better known, than 
that of Alexander. His only impediment in the sub- 
jugation of the Persians, seemed to be the great ex- 
tent of their territories, and the distance of their 
capitals and fortresses. Darius Codomanus displayed 
little else in the course of this war^ which was to put 
a period to his empire, but weakness, cowardice, the 
most stupid ignorance, extreme vanity, and a total 
incapacity either of governing a kingdom, or of com- 
manding an army. 

Between the battle of Granicus and that of Issus, 
where Darius commanded in person, nothing took 
place worthy of insertion in this compend. In gen- 
eral, the masterly policy of an extensive plan of 
operations, united safety with dispatch, and crowned 
every movement with success, as much to the glory 
of the invaders, as the ruin of the invaded. 

The defenceless nations of the Lesser Asia, sent 
their ambassadors in throngs to deprecate the ven- 



ANCIENT GREECE. 125 

geance, implore the mercy, or court the alliance, of 
the young hero. But he moved from place to place 
with a celerity, which almost denied access to his 
faint hearted but nimble footed suppliants. 

Parmenio, the next in command to Alexander, was 
dispatched on various excursions, either to receive 
submissions, or to reduce such strong holds as might 
dare to stand a siege ; but the king of Macedon him- 
self held a more regular line of march, and halted at 
the great cities. When arrived at ancient Troj, he 
performed splendid sacrifices and honors at the tomb 
of Achilles, his great maternal progenitor. It is al- 
lowed by all, that he took that hero for his model. 
So enamored was he of the character and glory of 
Achilles, that he constantly carried Homer's Iliad in 
his pocket, and read in it almost every day and hour. 

The delays of the Grecian army led Darius to 
imagine, that fear kept the Greeks at a distance. 

To give the young reader a view of the character 
of the Persian monarch and nation, and generally of 
the imperial pomp of the ancient Asiatics, we shall 
here descend to a brief detail of the preparations of 
Darius, and particularly of the order of the camps 
and movements, which we translate and abridge from 
Quintus Curtius's Life of Alexander. We deem this 
apparent disproportion allowable, both from having 
promised it, in our preface, and from the vast impor- 
tance of the events, to which it leads. 

Darius Codomanus may be compared with Louis 
XVI. of France. If the term innocent or inoflfen- 
sive is applicable to an absolute monarch, they were 
both among the most innocent, inoffensive, or harm- 
less of their respective dyna.lies. Vv'hen Darius per- 
ceived at a distance the gathering slorm, rising from 
Macedon, he sent a splendid and haughty deputation 
to Alexander, in which he declared himself to be the 
king ofking6\ and the relation of the gods, and that 
Alexander was his servant. This commission was 
given to the satraps of the empire with orders tQ 
11* 



126 ANCIENT GREECE, 

seize the mad boy, (for so he termed Alexander;) to 
whip him severely, to clothe him in mock purple, and 
bring him bound to him ; moreover, to sink his ships, 
jn which he had crossed the Hellespont, and to send 
his army in chains, into exile, to the farther shore of 
the Red Sea. The Persian lords, entrusted with this 
gentle office, assembled what they thought a sufficient 
force, on the banks of the river Granicus, where they 
intended to execute, to every punctilio, the orders of 
the monarch of Asia. They found it no easy task 
to seize the mad eoy. 

The only great military character at this time in 
the service of Darius was Memnon, the Rhodian. 
That experienced soldier comprehended, at once, the 
nature and consequences of this threatening war; 
and advised his master to the only expedient, which 
could have exhausted the impetuous fire of the mad 
boy, so much despised at the Persian court. Mem- 
non's advice, together with its rejection, have been 
already noticed ; as also the result of the affair at the 
Granicus. 

The loss of the battle and so great a part of the 
army* of Granicus, for the first time, roused the king 
of Persia from his dreams of security, and opened his 
eyes on the imperious necessity of decisive measures. 
Without loss of time, he endeavored to wield and 
concentrate the strength of his empire, on an emer- 
gency, which had not occurred, since the days of 
Cyrus. 

The regions of Asia have always been populous ; 
and Darius found no difficulty in assembling an army 
answerable to the dignity of the king of kings* He 
assembled his forces on the plains of Babylon, and, 
determining to command in person, made his disposi- 
tions accordingly. 

According to an ancient custom of the Persians, 
he began his march, to meet the enemy, at sun-rise, 

* Probably about one tenth part of the Persian army fell in tke 
liattle of Qranicus.— ■£!>» 



ANCIENT GREECE. 127 

and in the following order. Foremost went the 
magi, supporting, on altars of massy silver, what the 
Persians call the sacred and eternal fire. They be- 
gan to move at the sound of the trumpet, given from 
the king's pavilion, at the same time chanting a 
hymn, suitable to the grand occasion. The magi 
were followed by three hundred and sixty-five youths, 
a number equal to the days of the year, veiled in 
Tyrian purple. A splendid chariot, sacred to Jove, 
followed these, drawn by white horses ; and then a 
horse of wcnderful size, which they called the steed 
of the sun. Behind these, were ten chariots, richly 
embossed Vvith silver and gold, which were followed 
b) the cavalry of twelve nations, with various arms 
and ensigns. A corps of 10,000 chosen warriors, ar- 
rayed in the most superb style of eastern magnifi- 
cence, covered with gold and gems, whom they called 
[he immortal band, went next; and they were follow- 
ed by 15,000 men, denominated the king's relations, 
dressed in a style of the most costly and effeminate 
luxury. Next to these, went a band called the 
Doryphori, dressed in royal apparel; before whom 
moved the superb and lofty chariot of the king, sup- 
ported on each han<l by divine emblems, emblazed 
w'lih pearls of inestimable value, and bearing the 
images of Ninus and Belus,* the founders of the As- 
syrian empire, with a golden eagle. 

The dress of the king was distinguished by every 
possible mark of the mo«t luxurious wealth, the most 
gorgeous blaze of gt /ns and gold. Ten thousand 
spearmen followed his chariot, armed with silver 
spears, and darts of glittering gold. On his right 
hand and left, about 200 of his family connexions 
ittended, and were enclosed in a body of 30,000 in- 
fantry, the king's body-guards. Behind these, a 
short distance, Sisygambis the mother, and Statira 

*Nimrod was the founder of Babylon, and Ashur of Nineveh, 
t is possible, that Belus might be another name for JVimrod^ and 
f^iniis for Ashur. — Ed. 



128 ANCIENT GREECE. 

the wife of Darius, rode in separate chariots. A 
multitude of women ; in short, the children and me- 
nials and pellices of the king, came next, under a 
strong guard ; and the light armed, even a multitude 
of nations, brought up the rear. 

It is said, by our author, that one day, while Darius 
was viewing this immense army, he turned to Chari- 
demus, a veteran Greek, who had fled his country 
from hatred and fear of Alexander, and asked him, 
whether he did not think, that even the sight of such 
an array would be sufScient to affrighten Alexander 
and his handful of Greeks? Charidemus, forgetful of 
regal pride and vanity, made answer, "This army, 
so superbly equipped, this huge mass of so many na- 
tions, drawn together from all the east, may be terri- 
ble to nations, like themselves, may shine in purple 
and gold, may glitter in arms and wealth, so as to 
dazzle the eye, and exceed conception. But the Ma- 
cedonian forces, of stern visage and roughly clad, 
cover the impenetrable strength of iheir firm battal- 
ions with shields and spears. In the solid column of 
their infantry, which they call the phalanx, man is 
crow^ded to man, and arms to arms. They learn to 
keep rank, and to follow the standard at the slightest 
signal. Whatever is commanded, they all hear. Nor 
are the soldiers less skilful than their officers, to halt, 
to wheel, to form the crescent, to display their wing, 
or change the order of battle. Think not that they 
value gold and silver. Virtuous poverty is the mis- 
tress of their discipline. When weary, the earth is 
their bed ; by whatever food comes to hand they an- 
swer the calls of hunger; and their repose is shorter 
than the night. And can we think, that these Thes- 
salian, Acarnanian and ^tolian horsemen, a band in- 
vincible in war, clad in glittering steel, can be van- 
quished by slings and spears of wood ? No. You 
need troops like them to contend successfully with 
them. From that land, which gave them birth, aux- 
iliaries must be sought. Would you, therefore, hope 



I 



ANCIENT GREECE. 129 

to vanquish Alexander, strip off the gold and silver, 
with which your arnny is adorned, and hire soldiers, 
like his, who can defend your country." 

Darius, though naturally of a mild and gentle tem- 
per, yet now agitated hy fear and jealousy, and of 
course become cowardly and cruel, in a rage at re- 
marks so just, and advice so pungent, ordered the un- 
fortunate Charidemus to be instantly beheaded ; and 
it was accordingly done. Like all other rash and 
foolish spirits, he perpetrated in haste an atrocity, 
which he could not retrieve by lasting and bitter 
remorse. 

The Persian king, soon after, set forward with this 
Yast cavalcade, probably of near a million of souls, in 
quest of the hardy band of Greeks, who dispersed, 
captivated or slew all who came in their way. How 
different his army and his whole conduct from those 
of the great Cyrus, when he marched from the same 
countries to encounter Croesus, king of Lydia ! and 
how different in the result I 

The death of Memnon, the only general of Darius, 
for whose military talents Alexander had the least 
respect, gave confidence to the Greeks, and struck a 
deadly damp to the hope and courage of the Persian 
monarch. Although Memnon's advice had been 
slighted, merely to gratify the vain-glorious pride of 
h\^ haughty rivals, yet his loss was felt and deplored : 
and Darius p«Tceived himself surrounded by th.e min- 
isters of his pride and folly, from whom he had little 
to expect, but stupidity, treachery and cowardice. 

At the head of this unwieldy mass of people, 
Darius moved from the plains of Asia, northward, to- 
ward the mountains of Syria, in quest of a handful 
of Greeks, whom still he affected to despise. And 
well he might have despised them, bad he not been 
a stranger to the art of war, as well as to the proper 
use of his own resources. An attention to the advice 
of Charidemus, might have saved him. By a little 
augmentation of his Grecian auxiliaries, he might 



130 ANCIENT GREECE. 

have eTisily opposed to Alexander, a number of 
Greeks equal to the Macedonian army ; as he had 
already in his arn^y, a powerful body of Greeks, who 
constituted his most efficient force. Nothing could 
have been more gratifying to the Athenians, Lace- 
demonians, and, indeed, to all the peninsula, than 
the fall of Alexander, from whose triumphs they 
expected nothing but chains. 

Had they seen a power in the field able to resist 
the conqueror, or even to protract the war, they 
would have lent their aid. But the counsellors of 
Darius were unable to form any regular plan. Inflat- 
ed with the empty name of the empire of Cyrus, 
from which the spirit and genius of Cyrus had long 
since departed, they dictated nothing but rashness 
and folly. They even counselled Darius to put the 
Grecian troops to the sword, for fear they might prove 
treacherous, and desert his standard in the day of 
battle. 

In the line of Alexander's march, an entrance into 
Cilicia was commanded by a pass over a mountain, 
where a very few men might have stopped the pro- 
gress of a powerful army. This pass was command- 
ed by Arsames, governor of Cilicia. Instead of de- 
fending it, on the approach of Alexander, the das- 
tardly Persians fled, before the Greeks came in sight.) 

Alexander, when he gained the height, expressed 
astonishment at his good fortune ; nor could he but 
perceive, that such an advantage, so readily aban- 
doned by the Persians, gave a sure indication of his 
future success. Yet, in passing these mountains, he 
kept continually before his army, bands of light 
armed Thracians, who might secure him from am- 
buscade and surprise. 

Tarsus, afterwards the birth-place of the apostle 
Paul, a principal city of Cilicia, had been set on fire 
by the Persians ; but the city was saved by the timely 
arrival of Parmenio. The ablest counsellors of Da- 
rius urged him to return to the extensive plains of 



ANCIENT GREECE. 131 

Mesopotamia, where his innumerable forces might 
act to advantage; or at least, that his army should 
he divided, and led on to encounter the Greeks at 
different times and places. 

Darius was especially induced to reject this saluta- 
ry advice, by intelligence that Alexander was dan- 
gerously sick. He therefore hastened his march, 
and came up with Alexander at the bay of Issus. 
Yet when it was ascertained, that the Macedonian 
army was near and approaching, Darius was greatly 
surprised and disappointed. He had entertained a 
vain confidence, that the Greeks would retire at his 
approach, and not dare to hazard a battle with an 
army like his. Indeed, had he possessed the talents 
of Alexander, the army of the latter would not have 
sufficed his innumerable host for handfuls. 

Darius gave the command of his right wing to Na- 
barzanes, to which he added light troops, composed 
of slingers and archers, to the amount of 20,000. In 
the centre of this wing, Thymodes was placed at the 
head of 20,000 Greeks, a power of itself sufficient to 
cope with th eMacedonian phalanx. It was indeed 
the flower and strength of his army. The left wing 
was commanded by Aristodemus, a Thessalian, with 
20,000 infantry. To these he added the most war- 
like bands of the allied nations. In this wing the 
king himself fought, with 3000 chosen cavalry, his 
body guards, sustained by 40,000 infantry. Near 
these, were ranged the Hyrcanian and Median horse, 
a powerful body of cavalry; and finally, many thou- 
sands of auxiliary forces. In front of this array, six 
thousand slingers and archers moved foward to com- 
mence the battle. 

The place for the battle was most unfortunate for 
Darius. A narrow irregular plain, limited on one 
side by the sea, and on the others by mountains and 
declivities, enabled Alexander to display as wide a 
front as Darius, and gave a peculiar advan<age to the 
Greeks, accustomed to manoeuvre among hills and 
mountains. 



132 ANCIENT GREECE. 

Alexander drew up his powerful phalanx in front. 
The command of his right wing he gave to Nicanor, 
the son of Parmenio. Next to him stood Ccenos^ 
Perdiccas, Ptolemy, Meleager and Amyntas; each 
one destined to a particular command. The left 
wing, which extended to the sea shore, was command- 
ed by Varmenio, with Craterus, subject to his orders. 
The cavalry were ranged on each wing ; the Mace- 
donian and Thessalian on the right, and the Pelo- 
ponnesian on the left. And before all, as was usual, 
light armed troops, archers and slingers were sta- 
tioned. 

When the armies now stood in open view of each 
other, Alexender passed before the front of his for- 
midable lioe, addressing his officers and soldiers,,jnan 
by man. He encouraged them to the contest* from 
motives of safety, interest and glor>\ He reminded 
them of a series of victories gained, when victory 
was far less necessary, but never, when it would be 
more glorious. 

The conflict for a while was severe and dreadful. 
Darius did every thing he could to sustain his falling 
throne. Indeed the Greeks in his army fought with 
great bravery, and in discipline, were little inferior 
to the Macedonians. Had their numbers been equal, 
they might have influenced the fortune of the day. 
But an immense rout and confusion soon took place 
in the Persian army; and when the Greeks saw 
themselves contending alone against a superior force, 
such as were not slain, either surrendered, or fled in 
despair, Darius soon perceiving ail was lost, with 
some difficulty effected his escape. 

In the camp of Darius was found considerable trea- 
sure : but what was most inestimable to Alexander, 
was the family of the unfortunate Darius. Among 
othiT royal personages, were taken Sisygambis, the 
mother of Darius, his children, and his queen, the 
beautiful and celebrated Statira, considered as one of 
the finest women of antiquity. The ardent and 



ANCIENT GREECE. 13$ 

youthful conqueror, on this occasion, displayed the 
highest sensibility and honor of a soldier and hero. 
And his behavior to those noble captives, nnay be 
compared with that of the great Cyrus before, and of 
Scipio after, his tinne, on occasions nearly similar. 
(tie treated them with the respect and deference, due 
to the elevated rank of their more fortunate days; 
and strove by commiseration, pity, and tenderness, 
to mitigate the severities of their hard fortune. In- 
deed, bis heart, subdued by the resistless charms of 
virtue, innocence and beauty, of a conqueror made 
him a captive in his turn. He afterwards married 
Statira,* and made her a second time queen, not of 
Persia only, but of Asia, Africa and Europe. Her 
second elevation, however, was soon terminated by a 
destiny most severe and dreadful. On the death of 
Alexander, she fell a sacrifice to the cruelty and am- 
bition of those blood-thirsty harpies, whose first care 
was to exterminate the family of Alexander. 

In a former chapter, we have spoken of the siege 
of Tyre by Nebuchadnezzar. The taking of that 
celebrated city by Alexander, was not one of his 
least brilliant exploits. Although conquered and 
humbled by the Assyrians, that queen of commercial 
cities had regained her former splendor, and had 
forgotten her ancient f:ill and degradation. The 
Tyrians, having sent Ambassadors to Alexander, de- 
sired to know his pleasure, and declared their sub- 
mission to his will. B(it when they were informed, 
that he intended paying them a visit, they, with 
equal modesty and tirmness, sent him word, that 
although they were disposed to do homage to his 
will, yet, as they were an independant state, they 
could neither admit him or the Persians to make 
their city a party in the war. This was enough for 
that ambitious conqueror. He instantly determin- 

* The Statira, whom Alexander married, was probably the 
(laughter of Darius and not his queen ; tliough her name also was 
Statira. — Ed, 

12 



134 ANCIENT GREECE. 

ed to try their strength. Tjre Avas prohably th^ 
strongest city in Wehtern Asia. 

This great city was seperated from the shore bj a 
narrow strait of half a nnile in width. Its wails were 
a hundred feet in height, and eighteen miles in cir- 
cuit. Its provisions and naval and nnilitary stores 
were very great. As Alexander had little hope of 
takinij the city but by land, he constructed a mole 
acro!<s the frith. This was done with vast labor and 
danger to the Greeks ; and was no sooner done, than 
destroyed by fire by the Tyrians. In this inveterate 
siesie, which lasted seven months, every expedient 
offeree and art was employed on both sides; and it 
may be gafely said, that no city was ever attacked 
with greater vigor, or defended with more resolute 
bravery. B'lt what could resist the genius of Alex- 
ander? The city at length was taken, and so far 
destroyed, as never again to recover its former splen- 
dor. The subjection of Phoenicia followed the reduc- 
tion of Tyre ; and, if we except the brave resistance 
of the fortress of Gaza, Alexander met with little 
more resistance, till he arrived in Egypt. There 
he laid the foundations of a city, which was to bear 
his name. Alexandria, in twenty years, became one 
of the princi[)al eities of the east. 

The unhappy Darius was unable to repel foreign 
invasion. His hand was never formed to hold with 
steadiness, strength and dignity, the reins of empire. 

E-caped from the battle of Issus, he hastened back 
to the seat of his empire ; and, as soon as possible, 
and with no great difficulty, assembled a numerous 
army. Could the spirit and genius of the great Cy- 
rus, have actuated him for but a few months, the de- 
clining fortune of his kingdom, would have assumed 
a diflferent aspect. 

VVc can say little more in this place, than that the 
Macedonian conqueror subdued Egypt* and Persia, 

* The battle of Gaugamela and the fate of Darius appear to be 
deserving of notice, even in a compend. 

After Alexander had conquered Egypt, he returned to Phoenicia. 



ANCIENT GREECE. 135 

and even penetrated far into India. His conquests 
comprehended iUe most enlightned parts of Europe 
and Asia, and the fairest portion of the habitable 
globe. After his return from the east, his attention 
was directed to the estabhshment of order and reg- 
ular government througliout liis extensive empire. 
In matters of this nature, he showed no less capacity. 

He .spent some tiaie at Tyre to settle his affairs in Ihat region, hi 
the mean time, the king ol' Persia had three times solicited peace 
of Alexander, but in vain. Alexander would not listen to any 
overtures for peace, but upon condition, that Dari\is would yield 
to him the wholt empire, 'i'jjis, Sarins was unwilbng to do. lie 
therefore applied himself to make pre})arations for another battle. 
Accordingly, he collected at Babylon a vast army of juore than 
half a Uiiliion soldiers, and taking the field, he nr^'rched tow^ard 
Nineveh. Alexander had already taken the field with an army of 
about fifty thousand xuen, and having passed the Euf)hrates, a-t 
i lio{)sacus, was in (juest of tfie eneniy, whom he liad tlie happiness 
lo find beyond the 'Jigris, at a small village called Gaugamela, 
not many miles (rom ISiueveh. At this village, a tremendous 
battle was fought, in which forty thousand Persians were slain, 
and only five hundred Macedonians. This battle was decisive 
against the Persians. It decided the fate of Darius, and transfer- 
red the empire to Alexander. This battle is generally called the 
battle of Arbela ; because Arbela was the nearest town of any 
considerable note, being about twelve miles distant from Gau- 
gamela. The battle of Gaugamela was fought in Oct. 331 years 
B. C. and almost exactly two years after the battle of Issus, 
After his defeat at Gaugamela, the wretched Darius tied to Ecba- 
tana in Media, where he was suffered to remain unmolested till 
the ensuing spring. Jn the mean time, Alexander, having settled 
his affairs in Persia and burnt Persepolis, the ancient capital, pur- 
sued after Darius. Upon intelligence of this, Darius exerted his 
utmost efforts to make his escape. While with the little army, 
which he had collected, he was flying before Alexander's, his pro- 
tectors became his enemies. By two traitors, Bessus, governor of 
Bactria, and Naborzanes, another noble Persian, he was cruelly 
seized, bound, confined in a close carriage, and in this manner 
carried for several days. When Alexander drew near, Darius 
was most inhumanly stabbed in several places, and left weltering 
in his blood. He soon expired, and Alexander arriving immedi- 
ately after, wept to behold the horrid spectacle. Casting his 
cloak over the mangled body, he commanded, that being wrap- 
ped in this, it should be sent to the near relatives of Darius, at 
Susa ; though being murdered in Bactria the distance was proba- 
bly 1000 miles. To that city the royal corpse was seat, where it 
was honored with a magnificent funeral by the order and at the 
expense of Alexander. 



136 ANCIENT GREECE. 

than he had done at the head of his armies. But 
here his designs were never carried into effect. 
While planning the future prosperity of his empire — 
while receiving embassies from all quarters of Eu- 
rope and Asia, and even before he had time to 
realize to what an elevated height of honor, g^ory 
and dominion he had arisen, he was seized with a 
raging fever at Babylon, which terminated his life in 
the 33d year of his age and the 13th of his reign. 

How sudden and how awful the change from the 
summit of earthly glory to the dreary and silent 
tomb ! No conqueror was ever more fortunate than 
he ; no hero more brave ; no monarch more splendid. 
For thirteen years, his life was a rapid series of suc- 
cesses, victories, conquests and triumphs. But death, 
in an unexpected, untimely hour, closed the scene. 

Alexander was said to be of low stature, and not 
well formed ; yet in genius, vigor, activity and eleva- 
tion of mind, he was probably never excelled. His 
father, v/hose administration, Dr. Gillies justly ob- 
serves, was the first, of which we have a regular ac- 
count in history, certainly was one of the greatest of 
men and of princes ; yet for boldness, decision, rapid- 
ity and grandeur of mind, ho cannot be compared 
with his son. To judge of the j'lstn^-ss of the grounds 
of Alexander's leading enterprises, would be unsafe 
at this distance of time. He certainly had many 
provocations to invade Greece and Persia. He was 
guilty of outrageous acts of barbarity, when provoca- 
tions arose, during his paroxysms of wine and pas- 
sion ; which certainly occurred so often, as to throw 
a shade over his general character. But if those acts 
impaired the lustre of his fame, they no less destroy- 
ed his happiness; for they were generally followed 
by the keenest remorse and self-condemnation. 

His burning the palace of Persepolis, at the instiga- 
tion of Thais, if the story deserves full credit, though 
pretended as a retaliation upon Xerxes for burning 
Athetis, admits of no apology, while, on the other 



MACEDON. |.3i7 

hand, the death of Clitus, as related by great authori- 
ties, has many palliations. Clitus had loaded Alex- 
ander with the most abusive and reiterated insults. 
They were both in the heat of wine and passion ; and 
the monarch, after bein^ insulted for some time, or- 
dered Clitus to be earned out of his presence. Clitua 
after this, came back and renewed the attack. Upon 
this the king stabbed him ; but was so instantly struck 
with remorse, that he would have killed himself with 
the same weapon, had he not been restrained by the 
company present. 

If according to Cicero, the knowledge of war, per- 
sonal authority, bravery and good fortune, are essen- 
tial to the character of the great commander, it can 
scarcely be doubted, that Alexander was second to 
none. Hannibal seemed wanting only in the last arti- 
cle. He had great skill, bravery and authority. His 
misfortune w^as, that his countrymen were corrupt, 
and the government, under which he acted, extreme- 
ly bad. 

Had Alexander enjoyed a long reign, he would 
probably have introduced a form of government 
adapted to the nature and extent of the countries he 
had conquered. But before these salutary object* 
could be accomplished, even before he had organized 
a combining system of policy, or determined on a 
successor, he was called from the great theatre of 
human life, on which, while he remained, no mortal 
ever made a greater figure. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

MACEDON. 

Alexander's empire, from his death till its sub- 
jugation BY THE ROMANS. 

THE death of Alexander, which took place 324 
years before Christ, occasioned changes and wars in 
all parts of his extensive conquests. His dominions 

1 2* 



1 38 MACEDON. 

were divided among four of his great oflicers, viz. 
Cassander, Lysiaiachus, Ptolemy, and Seleucus* 
Cassander shared Macedon and Greece — Lysima- 
chus, Thrace and the countries bordering on the 
Hellespont and Bosphorus— Ptolemy had Egypt, 
Ljbia, Arabia, Syria and Palestine, and Seleucus had 
Chaldea, Persia and the Kast.* 

The century succeeding the death of Alexander, 
forms, perhaps, the most uninteresting period of an- 
cient history. The successors of the great conquer- 
or were ambitious without abilities, and, instead of 
power and policy, they displayed little else but 
treachery, perfidy and cruelty^. The whole empire 
was agitated by vain struggles, wars ill-conducted, 
and conspiracies remarkable for nothing but weak- 
ness, folly and barbarity. Such scenes were exhib- 
ited in Babylon ; such, in Persia; such, in Macedon ; 
and such, in Greece. The nations east of Persia 
soon returned to their former state, and felt the shock 
of Alexander's conquest, only as a wave separated 
for a moment by the course of the ship, that passes 
through it. Indeed Persia itself had little to perpet- 
uate the memory of that event, except what indelible 
marks the course of war had left in the destruction of 
several of her noblest cities and greatest families. 

Alexander had united himself to the royal family 
of Darius, by marriage. Of course that family, as 
soon as he was dead, fell a prey to the merciless rage 
of jealousy and ambition ; not even excepting his 
beauteous queen Statira, as already noticed. So that 
his posterity shared none of his glory or good for- 
tune. 

Babylon and its vicinit^^ felt longer and more 
deeply the effects of this conquest ; only however to 
complete its ruin and extinction, by the building of 
Sekucia on the banks of the Tigris. The states of 
Greece held on their course of degradation, rapidly 

* This division did not take place till after the lapse of several 
years, peculiarly marked with wars and crimsoned with blood.-EiJ. 



MACEDON. 139 

declining from their former glory, till, together with 
their liberty, virtue, public spirit and genius, their 
prosperity, happiness and national existence depart- 
ed. But in Macedon, Syria and Egypt, there arose 
establishments, which make some ligure in history. 

It has been already noticed, t'lat, in the division of 
the empire, Cassander, one of Aiexai:der's generals, 
shared Macedon and Greece. 'I'liis man had little 
more talents, than were si-flicient to enable him to 
perpetrate the blackest crimes and the most atro- 
cious villanies. He seems to have been designed as 
the instrument of Providence for the destruction of 
Alexander's family. He is even suspected, and that 
upon probable groutidf*, of having poisoned Alexan- 
der himself. Alter he had reicned in Macedon near- 
ly twenty years, afid, wjth cruel ingratitude, imbrued 
his hands in the blood of the children and friends of 
his benefactor, and had experienced vnrious fortune 
in the wars, which his competitors were carrying on, 
he died, and left three sons to contest for his king- 
dom. Alter various murders and the most horrid 
parricide, the sons of Cassander, whose mother, 
Thessalonice, was the sister of Alexander the Great, 
were destroyed, and the kingdom fell into the hands 
of Demetrius, another of the competitors for the em- 
pire, who reigned seven years. And it is remarka- 
ble, that this revolution completed the extirpation of 
the family of Philip, king of Macedon. 

Sosthenes, a Macedonian, succeeded Demetrius. 
But his reign was short ; and Antigonus was elevated 
to the throne, in the year 276 before the Christian 
era. The kings of Egypt and Syria acknowledging 
the right of Antigonus to the kingdom of Macedon, it 
remained in his family for several successive reigns, 
till Perseus, the last of that race, was conquered by 
Paulus ^milus, the Roman consul, and Macedon be- 
came a province of the Roman empire, about a cen- 
tury before Christ. 

To speak particularly of the character and exploits 
of those princes, in a work of this nature, would afford 



1 40 MACEDON. 

as little pleasure as profit to the reader; who, from 
the specimens given, may form some judgment of 
the rest. Indeed, it is a period of history but little 
known ; and what is known of it, is extremely dis- 
gusting. 

Before we proceed to the kingdom of Syria and 
Egypt, it will be proper to observe, however, that 
this period was adorned with one great character. 
Pyrrhus was the lineal descendant of Achilles, the 
famous leader of the Myrmidons in the Trojan war. 
Being very early in life forced to abandon Epirus^ 
his paternal inheritance, to Neoptoiemus, a usurper, 
he followed the standard of some of the competitors, 
who fought for Alexander's empire, till at length he 
was delivered over to Ptolemy Soter, king of Egypt, 
as a hostage. His bravery and good conduct soon 
gained him the affection of that monarch, who re- 
warded his merits with the hand of Antigone in mar- 
riage, the daughter of Berenice, his favorite queen ; 
and furnished him with an army to attempt the re- 
covery of his kingdom. This illustrious prince soon 
appreciated the value of these advantages, by the 
complete recovery of all his dominions. His course 
was marked with a series of great and noble actions. 
In Asia he met no equal; and wherever he turned 
his arms, victory attended him. His elevation took 
place about 297 years before Christ. 

Pyrrhus, however, was unable to resist the rising 
fortune of Rome. Unfortunately for him he entered 
Italy, where he was repulsed by a nation of heroes, 
who united the bravery of Leonidas to the uncorrupt- 
ed virtues of Aristides. Had Pyrrhus made Greece 
and Asia the scene of his operations, he might either 
have avoided a collision with the Romans, or at least 
might for a while have checked their growing power. 
It is thought by some, that had Alexander himself 
entered Italy, he would have met the fate of Pyrrhus. 
But Pyrrhus experienced the fortune of war. He is 
allowed by all historians to have been the greatest 



SYRIA I4t 

commander of his time, and by some, to have been 
second to none but Alexander. His invasion of Italy 
will he noticed in our view of the Roman history. 

From Macedon let us proceed to notice the king- 
dom of Syria. This country lies at the east end or 
head of the Mediterranean, but separated from it by 
what was anciently called Phoenicia, a narrow stiip 
of land, which lies along the eastern shores of that 
sea, the chief cities of which wore Tyre and Sidon. 
North of Syria lay bordering Cappadocia and some 
other provinces ; east, lay Mesopotamia; and south, 
Arabia and the deserts. Syria was also divided into 
Upper and Lower: a distinction which will be of 
little use in this compend. 

Thirteen years after the death of Alexander the 
Great, and before Christ 312, Seleucus, after various 
revolutions, found himself able to establish his autho- 
rity in Syria, over which he reigned for 33 years. 
He was perpetually engaged in the competitions and 
inglorious wars of his time, without performing any 
thing particularly worthy of l^6tlee.* it haa beer* 
already remarked that Chaldea, Persia and the East 
fell to him, in the division of the empire. In those 
immense provinces, to govern which required the 
genius of Cyrus or Alexander, Seleucus was not 
wholly inactive. He endeavored to complete the 
conquest of those countries, and even invaded India, 
hut with little effect. Instead of continuing in the 
purpose of Alexander, to make Babylon the seat of 
ids empire, he built the city of Seleucia, upon the 
I'igris, about forty miles from Babylon; which aU 

*Thi5 is by no means doins; jnstice to the builder of Seleucia, 
and the father of the Seleucidse. The following character of Se- 
leticus, is from the respected pen of Gillies. ^' The designs, as 
well as actions, ascribed to him, confirm his character in history, 
as an indefatigable and just prince, a firm friend, an affectionate 
father, an indulgent master ; who gained the love of his eastern 
subjects, by governing them according to their inveterate princi- 
ples and habits; and who, among all contemporary sovereigns, 
was pre-eminent in all consistent greatness of conduct, flowing 
from true royalty of soul." See Hist. World, Vol. I. p. 482. — Em 



142 SYRIA. 

ready accelerated the decline oi" the latter, now dis- 
mantled, to adorn and replenish the new city. Its 
final abandonment soon took place. 

Either by accident or design, the city of Seleucia 
obtained the name of New Babylon, which name 
having not always been distinguished from that of the 
old city, al)undance of confusion has been introduced 
into ancient history, and many historians have been 
led very erronfouslj^ to affirm, that ancient Babylon 
stood on the river Tigris. 

Seleucus, having reigned 33 years, was treacher- 
ously murdered by Ptolemy Ceraunus, or the Thun- 
derer, as he seems foolishly to have been surnamed ; 
who therebj^ for a short time obtained the govern- 
ment of Macedon. But he was vanquished and slain 
by the Gauls — a fate he justly merited. 

Seleucus was succeeded in his throne and domin- 
ions by his son- Antiochus, who made Antioch the 
seat of his empire. This city was for many ages, 
says Dr. Prideaux, the Queen of the East. It vvas 
built by Seleucus, and stood on the river Orontes, in 
Upper Syria. The Syrian kings reigned here; and 
here afterwards, the Roman governors residecf; and 
after the ititroduction of Christianity, it long remain- 
ed a famoiis archepiscopal see. The most consider- 
able enterprise in the life of this prince, was his ex- 
pelling the Gauls out of Lesser Asia. We have al- 
ready noticed their invasion of Greece, whence they 
were driven by Sosthenes. They had now invaded, 
and in a great measure overrun, all the Lesser Asia, 
and threatened to subdue the whole Assyrian empire. 
Antiochus defeated and cut them off so completely, 
as to deliver his territories from their incursions. 
He was thence surnamed Soter, or Savior, 

Not far from this period, the fame of the Roman 
arms, and the fortune of that wondrous people, were 
confirmed in the defeat and downfall of Pyrrhus, 
king of Epirus. 

As the succeeding reigns of the Syrian kings would 
furnish little either for the instruction or amusement 



SYRIA. 143 

of the reader, we shall contrnt ourselves with a mere 
enumeration of them. Antiochus Soter. after a reign 
of 15 jears, was murdered by his wife Laodice, and 
was succeeded bj Seleucus Callirncus. This prince 
reigned 20 years ; was perpetually engaged in war, 
and ended his life in Parthia, by a fall from his 
horse. He was succeeded by his son Seleucus Ce- 
raunus, or the Thunderer ; who, after a reign of 3 
years, was poisoned by his courtiers. The Saviors 
and Thunderers of that pusillanimous race of kings, 
with all their thunder against their enemies, and sal- 
vation for their subjects and dominions, did little but 
waste their time and strength in vain enterprises, 
poorly planned and still worse executed ; and thus 
prepared tliem to become an easj'^ prey to the Romans. 

Ceraunus was succeeded by his brother Antiochus, 
surnamed the Great : and, indeed, if a great deal of 
noise and bustle ; many expeditions ; getting some 
considerable victories, (which, however, he did not 
know how to improve,) and despising some advan- 
tages, which might have turned to his account ; in 
short, if fighting hard, and g«^>tting often defeated, 
and at last overthrown with irrecoverable disgrace 
and ruin — if all this merited for him the title Great, 
surely no one ever earned it more completely. 

We shall notice particularly but a few things in the 
reign of this prince; neither of which very well com- 
port with his being styled the Great. The first is his 
war with Arsaces, king of (he Parthians, or Persians. 
This enterprising and warlike prince restored, in 
some measure, the ancient government of Persia, 
which the Romans never fully subjugated. Antio- 
chus had a long war with him, and gained some ad- 
vantages ; but could never conquer him. 

The second thing we shall notice concerning Anti- 
ochus, is his rejecting the advice of Hannibal, the 
Carthaginian general, and thereby failing of the aid 
of that great and warlike genius. The fall of Car- 
thage being now foreseen by Hannibal, he saw no 



144 SYRIA. 

power either in Euiope or Asia, to wliom he could 
apply for aid, or with whom he might unite his en- 
deavors against the Romans, except the king of Syria. 
To him, therefore, he went and tendered his assis- 
tance and advice. The substance of Hannibal's ad- 
vice to Antiochus was, that he should make war upon 
the Romans, whose power had now become formida- 
ble to all nations ; that they should immediately be 
invaded in the most vigorous manner both by sea and 
land ; and that Italy itself should be the seat of war.. 
This advice was no less timely and important, than 
it was judicious and practicable ; and a conformity to 
it was of equal moment both to the giver and receiv- 
er. But the Syrian king, whose views and concep- 
tions wanted that extent and viaor necessary to raise 
him to a level with Hannibal, and actuated by a 
mean jealousy, lest the superior talents of the latter 
should eclipse his own, pursued a quite diiferent 
course. Antiochus invaded Greece; was met by the 
Roman armies ; was defeated by sea and land, and 
that, on the side of the Romans, almost without the 
loss of blood. With the loss of great part of his do- 
minion?, he was compelled to pay an enormous trib- 
ute, and to accept of the most disgraceful terras of 
peace; and Lucius Scipio, the Roman general, ac- 
quired the surname of Asiaticus, in honor to him, as 
the conqueror of Asia. 

Sometime after this, Antiochus was killed in rob- 
bing the temple of Elymais, dedicated to Jupiter Be- 
lus, having reigned 36 years. The history of Syria, 
from this period, is virtually but the history of a Ro- 
man province, although it bore the form and sem- 
blance of a monarchy for 122 years. Seleucus Phi- 
lopater next ascended the Syrian throne, on which 
he maintained a dubious authority for 11 years. 
After him, the succession took place in the following 
order, Antiochus Epiphanes, 11 years; Antiochus 
Eupator, 2 years ; Df metrius Soter. 12 years ; Alex- 
ander Balas, 5 years ; Demetrius Nicanor^ 5 years ; 



Antiochus Sidetes, 10 years; Demetrius Nicanor, 11 
years ; Zebina, 2 years ; Antiochus Grypus, 27 years. 
During the last mentioned reign, and 1 1 4 years before 
Christ, Antiochus Cyzicenus established a new king- 
dom at Damascus, which remained independent of 
Syria for 30 years. 

Seleucus succeeded Antiochus Grypus, and reigned 
4 years; after him, Philip, 9 years, in whom, ended 
the Selcucid'de, or the family of Seleucus, after having 
swayed the sceptre of S)ria 229 years. This was in 
the year 83, before the Christian era. If poisons, 
assassinations, conspiracies, treasons — if murder of 
fath('rs, mothers, brothers, sisters and children-v-if 
the violation of every law of nature, reason, and jus- 
ti<:e, was ever the peculiar characteristic of any dy- 
nasty of monarchs, it surely belonged to this. The 
S}rians at length expelled and excluded the Seleuci- 
dae from the government, and elected Tigranes, king 
of Armenia, to be their king. Under Tigranes, the 
royal digtiity of Syria became extinct, and that coun- 
try was made a Roman province by Pompey; of 
whom we shall speak in our view of the Romap his- 
tory. S}ria became a province of Rome/65 years 
before Christ,^ 

With a brief survey of the history of Egypt, from 
the death of Alexander, till the subjection of that 
country to the Romans, we shall close our view of 
Alexander's empire. If any of the princes of those 
times deserved the name of Soter, or Savior, the first 
Ptolemy must have been the man ; since (he is allow- 
ed by all ancient writers, to have been a prince of 
great wisdom and virtue.^ In the division of Alexan- 
der's conquests, it has already been remarked, that 
Egypt fell to Ptolemy. After a war with the rival 
princes for several years, he found himself firmly set- 
tled in the government of Egypt; and his reign com- 
menced in the year before Christ, 304 — eight years 
after that of Seleucus in Syria. To detail the parti- 
cular wars between Egypt and Syria, (for they were 
13 



146 EGYPT. 

almost incessant,) would not consist with the brevity of 
this work. It shall suffice to say, that the kings of 
Egypt held a respectable ascendency among the suc- 
cessors of Alexander. They generally reigned with 
more dignity, and certainly perserved their indepen- 
dence longer, tlien either those of Syria or Macedon. 

Ptolemy Soter, having reigned 20 years from the 
time of his assuming the title of king, and 39 from 
the death of Alexander, being above 80 years old, re- 
signed his kingdoji) to^^hiladelphus. his son^ prince 
famous for his exertions to promote learning, ar)d for 
the encouragement he gave to learned meniy,^TIie 
celebrated Alexandrian library had been beguii^fcy his 
father*^ who was himself both a scholar and philoso- 
pher. It was kept in the temple of Serapis, reckoned 
one of the finest and noblest edifices of antiquity. 

This library consisted of two parts; one of which, 
containing 300.000 volumes, was kept in a quarter of 
the city called Bruchium ; the other part, consisting 
of 200,000 volumes, was kept in the Serapeum, or 
temple of Serapis. The library of Bruchium only, 
was burnt by Julius Cesar: yet in after times, as we 
liave before stated, all was lost. 

This important library or museum drew together 
the most leariied society in the worlds and raised 
Egj'pt once more, and probably for the last time, to 
be the august patroness of science. The presidents 
of this museum were the first counsellors of state to 
the kings of Egypt ; and the first president, appointed 
by Ptolemy Philadelphus, was Demetrius Phalereus,' 
a Greek who h.ad been for several years governor of 
Athens — a man of great learning and abilities.* 

It is remarkable, that the dynasty of Ptolemies, 
from the accession of Ptolemy Soter till the end of 
the reign of Cleopatra, lasted 294 years; the whole 
of which period comprehended only eleven reigns, 

* Great indeed he must have been, since Cornelius Nepos says, 
that the Athenian senate erected 300 statues to perpetuate his 
memory. 



EGYPT. 147 

and that almost in an unbroken succession. Those 
princes must have reigned, on an average, about 27 
years. The shortest reign of them all was 13 years. 
Several of them reached nearly 40 years. They stand 
in the following order, Ptolemy Soter, 39 years; Phi- 
ladelphus, 38; Euergetes, 25; Philopater, 17; Epi- 
phancs, 24 ; Philometer, 35 ; Physcon, his brother, 
29; Lathyrus, 36; Alexander, in right of hi^ wife, 
15; Auletes, 13; Cleopatra, 22 years. The Hebrew 
monarchs, from Saul to Jehoiakim, reigned, on an 
average, 24 years each; the Persian, from Cyrus to 
Codomanus, 18 years; the Roman, from Augustus to 
Constantine XH. emperor of Constantinople, 12 
years; the English, from William tlie Conqueror to 
George II. 22 years. 

If long reigns and regular successions may be re- 
garded as evidences of the wisdom, good fortune, and 
mild administration of the prince, and of the content- 
ment, tranquility and equanimity of the public mind, 
the Ptolemies may be reckoned among the most hap- 
py and fortunate of the monarchs of antiquity. 

Without noticing particularly the several reigns in 
this period of history, we shall close it with a few 
general observations. 

An event took place about this time, which serves, 
perhaps, above all others of a historical nature, to de- 
monstrate the very high antiquity and great authority 
of the scriptures of the Old Testament. We have al- 
ready spoken of Demetrius Phalereus, who was the 
greatest scholar and philosopher of his time. Plu- 
tarch informs us, that this Demetrius advised Ptolemy 
Soter to make the largest collection he could of books, 
which treated of the government of states and king- 
doms, as he would thereby obtain the advice and ex- 
perience of wise men in former ages. Soter accord- 
ingly engaged in the work ; but it was more fully ac- 
complished by Philadelphus. Among many other 
histories and codes of laws, they also obtained from 
the high priest of Jerusalem, an exact copy of the 



148 EGYPT. 

sacrrd writings, together with seventy-two learned 
Jews. v>'ho were deeply skilled in the Greek language, 
to translate them. These persons proceeded into 
Egypt, and, under the inspection of Demetrius Pha- 
lereus, accomplished that celebrated translation. 
This was (lone in the eighth year of the reign of 
Ptolemy Philadelphns. The concurrent testimonies 
jof many ancient authors establish, beyond all possible 
doubt, the certainty of this transaction ; and of course, 
they also establish other things, (viz.) that the writ- 
ings of the Old Testament existed in the days of 
Ptolemy Philadelphns; and that their credit and au- 
thority were then gi-eat and unquestjonable. There 
is indeed a doubt, whether the trueSeptuagint trans- 
lation is now extant. According to Epiphanius, it 
was burned in the Alexandrian library of Bruchiuui 
by Julius Cesar. But on the contrary, Tertullian 
affirms it to have been kept in the Serapeam, and of 
course, that it escaped that conflagration. 

From the death of Alexander to the conquest of all 
his dominions by the Romans, the belligerent powers 
of the konwn world may be divided into four parts, 
forming two grand theatres of war. The firs% and 
by far the grandest scene was made up of the Romans 
and Carthaginians and their several allies ; the 
second was composed of the powers we have been 
considering in this chapter, (viz.) tlie Macedonians, 
Syrians and Egyptians. The latter had ambition 
enough, but with little power or policy ; the former 
were ambitious of empire, and were nearly on a foot- 
ing as to the necessary means of gaining it. For it 
is justly remarked by an able historian, that the 
genius of war forsook the Greeks at the death of Al- 
exandef^^nd went over to the Carthaginians. 

Alexander's conquest must, on the whole, be re- 
garded'as a benefit to the world.. Had the Persians 
conquered Greece, or the Carthaginians, Rome, an 
age of darkness must have ensued, through which 
the wing of conjecture is unable to explore its flight. 



EGYPT. 149 

Thosfi nations, under which Rome uitimately fell, al- 
though rough and savage, }et had great vigor, both 
of body and nnind. The world has therefore once 
more risen to the light of science, reason and civili- 
ty. But the oppressive tyranny of southern climates 
threatens to extinguish reason and virtue, and over- 
whelm men in everlasting darkness. The conquest 
of the Greeks left no nation worse, than thej found 
them, h certainly left many nations better. Even 
Greece itself found an enemy in Alexander less dan- 
gerous, than It did in Pericles, An artful demagogue 
of great talents is the most dangerous man the world 
evt r saw, and is the greatest curse to any form of 
government that ever befel it. Alexander found the 
Persians at their lowest ebb. Had he not conquered 
them, they would soon have conquered themselves. 
Indeed, they had done it already ; and were falling 
into ruin by the natural progress of internal debility. 
The Egyptians were regenerated by his conquest; 
and were never more flourishing, respectable, en- 
lightened or happy, than under the Grecian dynasty. 

Grecian literature generally travelled with their 
arms, and planted itself with their colonies; and be- 
fore the Augustan age, had diffused itself through 
most parts of Europe and Asia : and if the military 
spirit of the Greeks rested on the Carthaginians, 
their love of the arts and sciences surely did no less 
on the Romans. 

From the foundation of the commonwealth of 
Athens, by Cecrops, to the death of Cleopatra, the 
last of Alexander's successors, was upwards of one 
thousand four hundred years. During this period, 
the Greeks founded and overturned the greatest em- 
pires; they excelled all nations in architecture, stat- 
uary, painting, poetiy and oratory ; they gave the 
world its first hero ; they exhibited the greatest vari- 
ety of character, and the most astonishing displays 
of genius ; and they may be considered as justly 
meriting the first rank among the nations of the 
13* 



150 ROME, 

earth. Their history, therefore, and their language 
open a more variegated, rich, beautiful and sublime 
field of study, than those of any other nation. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

ROxME. 

BRIEF HISTORICAL VIEW OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, FROM 
THE FOUNDING OF ROME BY ROMULUS TO THE EXPUL- 
SION OF TARQUIN THE proud; CONTAINING A PERIOD 
OF TWO HUNDRED AND FORTY-FIVE YEARS. 

AS the traveller, who passes the night in wander- 
ing through Sonelj solitudes and frightful naountains, 
till, at break of day, he linds hiinself in a delightful 
country, surrounded with the beauties of nature and 
art ; so it is with the historian, who passes through tlie 
dark and barbarous ages, ^'hich lie between us and 
the prosperous times of the Roman empire. Wheii 
we view the distant glorif>s of Rome through the in- 
tervening shade, and indulge the melancholy reflec- 
tion, we are prompted to exclaim, And could such 
an empire decline? Could such magnificence perish? 
Could such wealth be dissipated, such institutions be 
overthrown, and such splendid scenes be darkened 
forever? Yes! The industrious malice, the barbarous 
rage of man, will generally supersede the ravages of 
time, or at least, will always share with them, the 
.empire of destruction. 

OVhen we pass beyond the dark ages, the Roman 
empire, of which we are now to speak, first attracts 
our attention:), It is a common, perhaps some will 
consider it as a trite, saying, that nations and govern- 
ments, considered as public bodies, resemble, in their 
growth and decline, the human body. The remark 
eminently applies to Rome, which had a long and 
feeble infancy 5 a most vigorous youth ; a manhood 



ROME. 151 

proud, powerful, splendid, and vicious, of majestic 
size and connnnanding aspect, yet inwardly wasting 
with incurable disorders, and pregnant with the seeds 
of dissolution 5 and a most di!»astrous and miserable 
old age.| It may be thought fanciful, but the follow- 
ing view of the Roman history will be divided into 
four parts, with reference to these four different ages 
or states observable in that history. (The iniancy of 
Rome may be extended to the expulsion of laiquin, 
(U. C* 215J which will be (he subject of this chap- 
ter. Its youth may be extended frcm thence to the 
conquest of Carthage, (U. C. 621) — it>* manhood, 
to the end of the reign of the Antonines, {\J, C. 935,) 
and its old age, from thence to the r<^ign of Agus- 
tulus and its conquest by the Goths, upwards of twelve 
hurjdred j^ars from its foundation. 

;1Elornulu^^founded tb^ city of Rome iu^the year of 
the' world 3,252, andCjj^fore Christ, 75^^ four years 
before the commencement of the era of Nabt;nassar; 
148 years before that of INel'Uchadnezzar ; in the 7th 
year of the reign of Jotham, kir^g of Judah ; 216 years 
before the taking of Babylon by Cyrus; and some 
years after the death of Lycurgus, the Spartan law- 
giver. That famous <"3ty stands (for it is at this day 
one of the finest cilice m t^urope) on the bonks of 
the river Tiber, on the western sljores o{ Italy. Italy 
Is a strip of land which projects from the southern 
part of Europe into thf^ Mediterranean sea. '^It is 
fancied by some to resemble a boot and spur, with 
the toe pointing toward the island of Sicily. ^4 is 
thought to be about 600 miles long, and nearly 100 in 
breadth. It occupies a mild and pleasant region in 
the temperate zone ; is well situated for commerce ; 
has a fruitful soil, and most of the natural advantages 
of the best countries in the world. 

From the very high antiquity of the Roman state, 
it will be perceived, that the materials for writing its 

* U. C. are tbe initials of two Latin words, urbis conditae, sig- 
nifying the building of the citj. — £». 



152 ROME. 

early history must be scarce. These have been care- 
fully economized by historians, and an)p]ifipd and 
embellished by poets, for more than two thousand 
years. But when we consider that the Rom:ins were 
not a literary people, till after they had conquered 
Greece, and especially, when we consider the small- 
ness and obscurity of their state during the period of 
their kingly government, we shall want no further 
evidence, that the accouois given even of that whole 
period, are not aniong ihe most credible parts of 
ancient history. The ancient writers aW agree, that 
during the reign of the kings/fheir territories were 
almost limited to the city, and Hfever extended fifteen 
miles from \t} and that their wars were with petty 
states, like themselves. The events, therefore, re- 
corded in this long and sterile period of their history, 
can have no importance in themselves, and would 
never be worth detailing, were it not for the lustre, 
which is shed upon them b) the lyreatness of Rome in 
succeeding ages. 

But as to the history of the kings of R »me, from 
Romulus back to ^i.eas and the Trojan war. ail the 
respect is due to it. which is ever due to the ingenius 
fictions of a strong poetic fancy; and perhaps liitle 
more. There is, however, another reason, why it is 
inexpedient to follow the thread-bare detail of tne his- 
tory of the Roman kings. No history is so com- 
mon as that; no one so much read, or so much re- 
membered ; no one exists in so many forms, or has 
been attempted by so many writers. Dr. Gold- 
smith's abridgment is exactly the thing, which ought 
to be written, were we to attempt to do it. Those, 
therefore, who wish to peruse a concise, but regular 
and formal detail of those events, are recommended 
to read that excellent abridgment. 

The kings of Rome succeeded one another in the 
following order ; Romulus reigned 37 years ;vNuma 
Pompilius,"43 ; Tullus Hostilius, 32; Anrus Martius, 
24 ; Tarqiiinius Priscus, 38 ; Servius Tullius, 44 » 



ROME. 153 

Tarquinius Superbus,"*" 25 ; making in the whole, 
together with several short interregnums, 245 years. 

If we may suppose, that the Romans, while yet so 
v^ery small, maintained their sovereignty and inde- 
pendence during so long a period, their affairs must 
have had a stahility and regular order, which were 
the result of great wisdom and prudence. The most 
that can be said of them with certainty is, that their 
place remained the same. Its situation gave it many 
advantages, and it generally came off with an ascen- 
dency from the petty wars, in which it was engaged. 
But it sometimes changed masters, and that with equal 
advantage to itself and its neighbors. Numa, the 
second king of Rome, was a Sabine, and from a city 
called Cures/ From his time, therefore, and in honor 
to the place of his nativity, the Roman people w(ire 
called Quiritcs. 

^uma employed his whole reign in regulating the 
aiiairs of religion and government.^ He built several 
temples, among which was the celebrated temple of 
Janus, which was never to be shui but in time of 
peace. 

The Roman monarchy was elective pand we may 
clearly discern, in the elections of their kings/that 
spirit of liberty, which prevailed in all the ancient 
nations of Europe.- A man was quickly elevated or 
depressed by the voice of popular favor. 

In the early ages of (he world, Italy was peopled 
with a hardy race of men, wha^lived without govern- 
ment, without restraint, and without any social order, 
except what had grown spontaneously from the dic- 
tates of nature, and the force of habit.* Their tribes 
or clans were Jittle more than the connexions and 
dependencies of particular families, which had grown 
numerous, and were taught to combine and arm for 
;he purposes of mutual defence, p'hey lived free in 
the w^oods, and roved over the plainsjjsubsistin^.upon 

* Tarquinius Priscus and Tarquinius Superbus, are in English, 
TQost generally called Tarquin the Elder and Tarquin the Proud. 
—Ed. 



134 ROME. 

ihe fortune o^the chase.'^^ The country being highly 
favorable toeagriculture they were at length induced 
to choose out for themselves convenient settlements ; 
and this they did, as they were led by prospects of 
pleasure, honor, or advantage ; and the extensive 
country became at length settled, and divided into a 
great number of small independent states or sove- 
reignties, t^ach of these, tenacious of its rights, 
honors, and territories — ambitious of military fame, 
and thirsting for conquest, was continually seeking ad- 
vantage against all its neighbors. Hence arose per- 
petual wars, conquests and revolutions.. A city was 
a state, a republic, a kingdom, or an empire; every 
monarch was a general, and every citizen a soldier. 

A settlement of this description, founded by Ro- 
mulus, had for many years been seated on the banks 
of the Tiber. They had been repeatedly engaged in 
wars with their neighbors, and generally came oflf 
with advantage. Nor is it unlikely that they had 
during this period, outgrown the surrounding states, 
i?. "O'V^r, ^e-'^M^; n^Ucv, and general improvement. 
After Romulus, Ijx kings ^successively had ascended 
the throne, when in the reign of Tarquin^the Proud, 
an event took place, which caused a revolution in 
their government, and, probably, was the first step 
toward their future aggrandizement. 

Tarquin, the present monarch, to secure the crown 
in his own family, had murdered all the descendants 
of Tarquin the Elder, his grandfather, except Lucius 
Junius Brutus, the son of a daughter of that prince, 
who feigned himself an idiot, to escape the tyrant's 
rage, and who was, on that account, called Brutus, or 
the fool. Him, the king kept in his house, for the 
purpose of making sport for his children. Tarquin, 
by his cruel and haughty conduct, had acquired the 
surname of Superbus, or the Proud. He had waded 
to the throne through the blood of all the royal family, 
and every year of his reign was marked with acts 
of cruelty and oppressive viblence. His name was 



ROME. 1 55 

become odious; and his people generally wished for 
nothing more than his downfall. This event, being 
intimately connected with the sudden elevation of 
the Roman stale, deserves a particular attention. 

Sextus, the king's son, while his father was at the 
head of the army, besieging Ardea, a neighboring 
city, violated the honor of Lncretia, a Roman lady of 
great spirit, and still greater virtue. The illustrious 
heroine survived the disgrace long enough to ac- 
quaint her husband and friends with her misfortune, 
and to entreat them, as they regarded her memory, 
to take vengeance on her destroyer. She then drew 
a poinard from her robe, and plunging it into her 
bosom, expired before their eyes. 

Collatinus, her husband, and her friends, stood 
round her, petrified with grief, and distracted with 
rage and despair. But their grief was for a moment 
arrested and turned into astonishment, when Brutus, 
the reputed fooi, seized the bloody dagger, and lifting 
it toward heaven, exclaimed, " Be witness, ye gods, 
that from this moment, 1 proclaim myself the avenger 
of the chaste Lucretia's cause; from this moment I 
declare myself the enemy of Tarquin, and his bloody 
house; henceforth my life, shall be employed in oppo- 
sition to tyranny, and for the freedom and happiness 
of my country." He then told tliem, that tears and 
lamentations must now give way to the sterner senti- 
ments of just revenge; and delivering them the poin- 
ard, still reeking with Lucretia's blood, caused each 
of them to swear the same oath, which he had sworn. 
The Roman people flocked together from all quar- 
ters, and were struck with horror at the deplorable 
spectacle ; and were equally amazed to behold the 
authority, and wisdom of Junius Brutus. The re- 
volt from the tvrant was general; and the senate 
passed a decreetpepriving the king of all authority, 
and banishing him and his family forever from the 
Roman state.lHe lived, however, to give his country- 
men much trouble ; for, though a detestable tyrant, 



156 ROME. 

void of every principle of humanity and justice, yet 
he was bold, active, and vigorous, and found nfieans 
to excite frequent disturbances, and even to enkindle 
dangerous wars against his country. 

We have now passed over 245 years from the 
founding of the Roman state; and, in looking back 
on this period, we perceive few incidents particular- 
ly worthy to be drawn into this compend — nothing, 
which would reflect useful light on the character, or 
form useful combinations with the future history of the 
Romans. Like a single vessel, moving alone on the 
ocea.j, the Romans as yet remained wholly discon- 
nected with the atTairs and destinies of the great na- 
tions, of which we have spoken in former chapters. 
But during this period, the Assyrian empire had fall- 
en; Babylon was become a province of Persia; and 
Cyrus had exte nded his dominions from the Indian to 
the Atlantic ocean ; and a power was already prepared 
to eclipse forever th( glory of the Persians. Greece 
was now fast rising ; the morning of her brightest 
day evidently dawned. Before the fall of Tarquin, 
Milfiades, Leonidas and Themistocles were born. 
Diirlf g this period, also, the Jews, having experienced 
a captivity of 70 years, were restored by Cyrus, and 
had rrtarned, and rebuilt their temple at Jerusalem. 

It may not be improper to close this chapter by 
noticing to the reader, that, in most of the earlier 
dates, such as those of the founding of Athene, 
Thebes and Rome, the Trojan war, Homer, Hesiod, 
and many others, Dr. Priestly stands almost atone, 
making those ancient dates much later than most 
other chronologers. He has followed Sir Isaac N' w^ 
ton, whose plan, however, as the Doctor acknowl- 
edges, has not been adopted by any other chronoh'ger 
excepting himself. Newton's scheme avoids appa- 
rent inconveniencies ; particularly it remedies the 
noted anachronism of ^neas and Dido, and givfs 
those two celebrated personages an opportunity of 
becoming acquainted. But it is quite doubtful^ 



ROME. 1 67 



whether the queen of Carthage would not rather 
choose, that the old chronology should remain in 
credit; which places them about a century apart. 



CHAPTER XV. 

THE ROMAN EMPIRE,* FROM THE EXPULSION OF TARQUIN 
TO THE CONQUEST OF CARTHAGE. 

THE great and vigorous spirit of Lucius Junius 
Brutus, displayed in avenging the death of Lucretia, 
may be regarded as a brilliant specimen of that pow- 
er and grandeur of mind, in which the Romans sur- 
passed all other nations, both ancient and modern. 
In variety of genius, and taste, the Greeks certainly 
excelled them ; but in a masculine boldness — in a 
grave, dignified, martial energy, the Romans were 
never equalled. Brutus and his associates were able 
to dethrone a powerful tyrant ; to abolish a mon- 
archy, which had existed several centuries ; and to 
organize and put in operation a new form of govern- 
ment, under which the Roman people rose to the 
sublimest heights of power, prosperity and splendor. 

The Roman government, during the reign of the 
kings, had, in its original spirit and design, embraced 
many of the principles of freedom. The king was 
assisted by a council, consisting of a hundred sena- 
tors, which number was increased at various times. 
These were men advanced in years, and venerable 
for their knowledge, prudence and integrity. The 
most important acts of government were generally 
sanctioned by an assembly of the people, or plebians, 
particular!) , acts relative to peace or war, the raising 
of money, the appointment of chief magistrates, and 
the election of the monarch. 

^ The word empire is here used in its popular sense, to repre- 
sent merely government, or dominion, without reference to its 

14 



1 58 ROME. 

But the kings, and especially Tarquin, had, in a 
great measure, acted independently of all these salu- 
tary checks. To avoid these inconveniences, the 
kingly office was now abolished; and, in the place 
of it, two officers were substituted, styled consuls. 
Their power was nearly as great, as that of the king; 
but the division of it, and the frequency of election, 
iN'hich was once a year, were considered as sufficient 
checks. Junius Brutus and Coildtinus, the husband 
of the celebrated Lucretia, were first chosen con- 
suls. 

This new form of government was brought to the 
brink of ruin almost in the moment of its fornjation. 
The deposed monarch found means to organize a 
<iangerous conspiracy among the j'onng nobilily of 
Rome ; the object of which was to etiect a counter 
revolution, and replace himself on the throne ; and 
the brave and patriotic Brutus had ihe unhappiuess 
to discover that two of his sons were among the ring- 
leaders in this daring plot. The nature of his office 
compelled him to sit in judgment upon them; and 
■while, in this deeply interesting scene, ail the specta- 
tors were melted into tears, in him tlie most powerful 
pleas of natural affection were overruled by a sense 
of duty; the parent was lost in the judgp, and the 
agonies of parental sensibility disregarded before the 
tribunal of public justice. He pronounced sentence 
upon his sons, condemning them to death. 

But this great man did not live long to enjoy either 
the liberty, which he procured for his country, or the 
honors, whirh he so justly merited, Tarqum, failing 
to recover his throne by intrigue, next attempted it by 
arms. He prevailed on the Veians, a neighboring 
state, <o espouse his cause, and to furnish him with 
an army. Of this army, he took the command, and 
gave the cavalry to be commanded by Aruns, his son. 
They were met by the consul with an equal force; 
and a general battle was fought, in which the Ro- 
mans claimed the victory, although dearly bought ; 



ROiME. 159 

for, together with a number of their bravest citizens, 
the illustrious Brutus fell in the first of the action. 
Aruns, the son of Tarquiu, had singled him out, and 
they encountered each other with such fury, that 
both were slain, and fell dead together by mutual 
wounds. The Veians, sufficiently humbled by this 
rebuke, were willing to make peace. 

But of all the enemies, whom Tarquin brought 
against his country, Porsenna, the king of Etruria, 
was the most formidable. This prince, who was then, 
probably, one of the most powerful in Italy, seems, 
from motives of jealousy, to have been willing to en- 
gage in a war with the Romans. To him Tarquin 
applied; and was soon furnished with a force, which 
at iirst bid fair to re-seat him on his throne. 

Porsenna marched immediately toward Rome, at 
the head of a powerful army; and meeting with no 
resistance, he laid siege to the city. After several 
furious assaults and sallies, the seige was terminated 
by one of those singular events, which strongly mark 
the savage ferocity and wonderful patriotism of the 
heroic ages. The length and strictness of the siege 
had reduced the city to the utmost distress of famine, 
when Mutius, a Roman youth of the most daring 
courage and desperate resolution, approached the 
camp cf Porsenna, and tinding access to the place 
where the king stood with some of his officers, he 
proceeded to the group, and stabbed the peison, 
whom he supposed to be the king, to the heart; but 
it was the king's secretary. Mutius was seized ; and 
it was demanded of him, who he was, and what were 
his designs. He told them, that he was a Roman, 
and that there were three hundred Roman youths, 
who, like himself, had determined to effect the king's 
destruction. " Therefore," said he, " prepare for 
their attempts ; and you shall see that the Romans 
know how to suffer, as well as to act." At this, he 
thrust his hand into th-e fire, and suffered it to burn 
with great composure. 



160 ROME. 

Porsenna, amazed at such intrepid braverj, was 
seized with a fit of generosity quite as enthusiastic 
and extraordinary, and ordered him to be conducted 
back to Rome, and at the same time, offered the be- 
sieged conditions of peace, which they accepted, and 
a period was put to the war. 

The Roman commonwealth, in every part of its 
duration, was incessantly harassed with internal dis- 
putes, broils, divisions, intrigues and conspiracies ; 
and they were generally settled by the mediation of 
the sword ; though not always by the sword of civil 
war. Their bold, restless, active spirits were best 
gratified and soonest quieted in martial exercises; and 
could only be controlled by martial law. Of course, 
theirs was, in most respects, a military government. 

Ten years from the commencement of the Roman 
republic, Largius was appointed first dictator. The 
title itself explains the general nature of this office. 
The dictator was clothed with power to dictate, i. e. 
to direct all the branches, and all the ofliicers of the 
government. His power was sovereign and absolute, 
as that of the most unlimited monarch. He was 
only chosen in times of difficulty and danger, when 
the utmost energy of the state was to be exerted ; 
and his power expired at the end of a certain period. 

Soon after the invasion of Porsenna, and 15 years 
from the expulsion of Tarquin, a contention arose be- 
tween the senate and"the people, which gave rise to 
the appointment of Tribunes. These were officers 
chosen annually from among the people. They were 
clothed with considerable powers, and were designed 
as the immediate guardians of the people against the 
power of the senate and consuls. They were at 
first five, and afterwards ten in number; and seats 
were prepared for them near the doors of the senate 
house ; and they were, at times, called in to ratify 
the laws, which were passed in the senate. 

The most eminent character, found in the first part 
of the annals of the ancient republic of Rome, is thai 



ROME. 



161 



of Quintus Cinciniiatus. His chief services were in 
the year 295 from the building of the city, and in 
the 50th from the fall of Tarquin. We have already 
mentioned the frequent disputes and divisions, 
which prevailed between the two orders of Roman 
citizens. These, which ran high on all occasions, 
had, but a little time before this, come very near to 
rending in pieces and extinguishing the republic for- 
ever. The popularity, banishment, wars, restoration 
and death of Coriolanus, so famous in the Roma^ 
history, cannot have a place in this brief narration* 
Those events, while they distracted the counsels and 
exhausted the resources of Rome, emboldened her 
enemies to make new aggressions. 

The forces of the ^qui and Volsci had invaded the 
Roman territories; had surrounded and were likely 
to destroy the consul Minutius and his army, who 
inadvertently sufTered himself to be pent in between 
tv/o mountains, whence he could not retreat but by 
encountering the enemy. At the same time, poli- 
tical disputes were carried on with such warmth at 
Rome, that most men were wholly ruled by the most 
violent party spirit. All union and eneigy were lost; 
and the more discerning saw the ruin of the com- 
monwealth impending. The Romans had, on a 
former occasion, experienced the great virtue and 
authority of Cinrinnatus. To him, therefore, all eyes 
were now turned, as the most suitable instrument for 
delivering their country. 

In the 50th year from the expulsion of Tarquin, a 
solemn legation was sent to Q. Cincinnalus, from tjie 
senate, to invest him with the sovereign powers of 
dictator. Thry found him industriously laboring in 
his field. He had a farm, consisting only of a few 
acres, which he cultivated with his own hands, for 
the support of his family. On the arrival of the 
senatorial message, he showed some concern for the 
neglect, with wlsich he should he obliged to treat his 
plantation; but showed no marks of vanity or pride 
14* 



162 ROME. 

at his sudden elevation. He took leave of his famiifj' 
with apparent regret, and repaired to the capitol. 
He immediately nominated, as a captain oi his caval- 
ry, Tarquitius, a man in similar circumstances, and 
of like character with himself. 

He issued his orders with mildness, but with such 
authority, dignity and decision, as none can assume, 
excepting those great and vigorous spirits, which are '] 
formed for command. He gave orders, that every 
citizen, who could bear arms, should appear before 
sunset in the Campus Martins, with arms, and provi- 
sions for five days. His orders were obeyed ; and an 
array was immediately assembled. At their head, 
the dictator began his march that evening; and be- 
fore day, came within sight of the hostile army. As 
they approached the enemj's camp, Cincinnatus or- 
dered his men to give a loud shout ; which was heard 
by the blockaded army, and understood to be a token, 
that relief was near. The enemy, finding themselves 
between two armies, prepared for battle. A severe 
engagement ensued ; but the bravery and conduct of 
the dictator procured the Romans a complete victo- 
ry. The spoils of the enemy's camp were valuable. 
These, Cincinnatus ordered to be divided among- his 
own army, without allowing the army, wliich he had 
liberated, to share with them in an_y thing; holding 
it as a maxim, that, as they could not defend them- 
selves, they merited nothing. 

But, what is regarded as most remarkable in this 
transaction, Cincinnatus, though a poor njan, took 
nothing of all the wealt'-, of which he had the con- 
trol and distribution, to hiusseif. Nor would he ac- 
cept any thing from the senate, who regarded him as 
the deliverer of his country ; and, from sjratitude for 
his important services, would gladly have bestowed 
upon him the richest presents. Very many have cele- 
brated, but very few have imitated, his virtues. He 
was satisfied with the consciousness of having done 
his duty, and justly naerited a great and lasting fame. 



ROME, 1 63 

The year 302 from the building of the city, and 
about sixty from the commencement of the republic, 
may be considered as an important era in the history 
of Rome. The contentions between the various or- 
ders of the state, for privih^ge, pieroj^ative, and pow- 
er, still raged without intermission, till, at length, 
about this period, all parties, growing weary of these 
disturbances, united in an expedient, which at once 
shows the wisdom and greatness oi the Roman char- 
acter. They unanimously determified on introduc- 
ing a body of written laws; whose influence might 
prevent as well as punish crimes, and especially that 
thereby the decisions of the magistrates might be 
governed by known and fixed principles. 

Poslhumius, Sulpicius, and Manlius. three senators 
of high rank, whom the suffrage of the Roman peo- 
ple had declared worthy of so great a trust, were nn- 
mediately sent to Athens and other Greek cities, to 
consult their laws, to extract from them a code of 
such as were most approved, and report them to their 
fellow-citizens in due time. In the course of a year 
this business was accomplished. These ambassadors 
returned, and brought with them a body of laws, 
wiiich they had selected from the most celebrated 
systems of Greece. These were formed into ten 
tables, two others being sometime after added, mak- 
ing the number twelve. This was that famous code 
of laws, known by the nan^e of the ^' laws of the 
twelve tables-" Many fragments of this body of 
laws remain until the present time. 

Nations in general, when they enjoy good gov- 
ernment and excellent laws, resemble a body in per- 
fect health — a body, in which the various animal and 
vital functions are complete and vigorous. This now 
began to be the condition of Rome. 1 hongl; it Isad 
not experienced much increase of territoiy. yel its 
numbers, strength, experience and wisdr)m. were fast 
rising to power and conquest. It must not, howew^r, 
be understood, that Rome was yet free from political 



164 ROME. 

disputes, or even from outrageous infractions of law 
and jjjstice. 'f hat time she was destined never to see. 

Wheit the laws of the twelve tables were adopted, 
a new kind of magistracy was created. Ten persons 
called dt cemvirs, were ap|)ointed to see to the ad- 
ministTBfion of government, and lo enforce the au-- 
thority of thelav\'j=. Their reign was of short dura- 
tion. It bciidLJ. well ; but ended in disgrace and mis- 
fortune. The t-*rni of their administration ended in 
the consummate villanj of Appiu^, one of their num- 
ber, and in the afiu;cting story of Virginius and hir 
dauijhter^ for which the reader must be referred to 
the Roman history. To them, succeeded another 
kind of mjgisira»es, called military tribunes ; and 
these were a^nni succeeded by consuls, according to 
the first form of the republic. 

But it wotdd be improper, in tliis work, to attempt 
to trace the Roman government through its tortuous 
course, or to enter into the various controversies of 
tl/ose early times. Whoever expects to find a free 
government without continual disputes, divisions, in- 
trigues, innovations and revolutions,* must be a 
strangrr to the human character, as displayed in the 
history of nations. Where all power and authority 
originate with the people, and are under the control 
and direction of their suffrage, there is too wide and 
alluring a ])rospect for ambitious men to neglect. 
They never did neglect it, and they never will. 

After Cincinnatus, the Roman history presents us 
with no character worthy of particular notice, till 
the times of the illustrious Camillas; nor with any 
considerable event, till the formidable invasion of 
Rome by the Gauls, under the command of Brennus. 
This will carry us forward through a period of about 
sixty years, during which, however, the Roman state 
had made considerable advances in population, ter- 

* Those, who live in the Millennium, will doubtless find such a 
governrDent. When the Son of God shall make all the nations 
free, ir.ey will be free indeed ; and certainly, they will be free 
frojH continual disputes, &c.-— Ed 



ROME. 165 

ritory an^ the art of war. Camillus bacfyielded the 
most important services to the state ; had conquered 
leveral cities, and by a long course of conduct, had 
risen to the highest honors among his countrymen, 
rhis was sufficient to draw down upon him a storra 
Df envy and jealousy, which all his wisdom, power 
md popularity could not sustain. The tribunes, 
ilwajs turbulent and clamorous, and often unjust and 
:ruel, roused the public resentment against him, by 
pretending, that he had embezzled and secreted much 
>f the plunder taken in the city of Veil ; and they 
appointed a day, on which he was to appear before 
:he people in his own defence. Conscious of his in- 
nocence, yet disdaining the mortifying indignity of 
sustaining a public trial before a people, whom he 
lad laid under such high obligations, and whose re- 
jentment, he knew, had rather sprung from their 
Bnvyofhis virtue, than from any other cause, he 
ook leave of his friends, and evaded the approach- 
ing storm by going into voluntary exile. 

The triumph of the tribunes and the plebians, on 
he fall of this great man, was of short duration. A 
itorm far more terrible menaced the whole state, 
then he had fled to escape. 

We have, in a former chapter, had occasion to 
■nention the Scythian hordes, which, in ancient 
:imes, inhabited the wilds of Europe and Asia — 
^hich, like an inundation, at various times, flowed 
3own upon the more civilized nations; or, like swarms 
^f locusts, seemed to darken the sun and the air. 
rhe ancient inhabitants of Germany and France re- 
jcmbled thorn in those respects, in which they were 
most formidable. France was then called Gaul, 
rhe Gauls were men of great size and strength. 
rhey were exceedingly bold, fierce, and terrible in 
ivar. It is said, that even a glance of their eye wag 
50 terrible, as to dismay and affrighten armies. A 
numerous body of these had, two centuries before 
this, crossed the Alps, and settled in the northern 



168 ROME. 

parts of Italy ; and had long been a terror to all the 
country. Brennus, their warlike chieftain, was at this 
time at tlieir head,hesiegingClusium, a city of Etruria. 

The martial spirit of the Romans being roused at 
so near an approach of this hostile nation, and being 
earnestly solicited by that city to send them aid, 
they dispatched ambassadors to Brennus, to demand 
of him, what right he had to invade that city. The 
Gaul sternly replied, that the " rights of valiant men 
lie in their swords ;" and demanded, in return, what 
right the Romans had to the many cities they had 
conquered. The ambassadors, displeased witli the 
haughty style of Brennus, and most certainly, on this 
occasion, either forgetful or ignorant of their duty, 
immediately entered the city, and took an active part 
in the war. 

Brennus was enraged at the conduct of the am- 
bassadors, and forthwith raising the siege of Clusium, 
he marched directly to Rome, probably glad of a 
pretence for effecting a preconcerted measure. 

Rome had now stood 364 years, and had been a 
republic 119. Its territories were considerably ex- 
tended ; and the city^ itself was become opulent, 
splendid and powerful. The neighboring cities had 
fallen under its power; and those more distant were 
willing either to pay homage for their independejice, 
or seek the alliance of the Romans. The Gallic king 
could not but believe, that if he conquered Rome, 
the empire of Italy would follow of course; and per- 
haps one much greater. It will be remembered, that 
the Gauls, about this time, attempted both Greece 
and Asia, and that with considerable success. From 
the former, they were expelled by Sosthenes; and 
from the latter, by Antiochus Soter; as noticed ia 
our view of Greece and Syria. 

The Romans were apprised of the approaching 
danger, and sent an army, composed of the flower of 
their republic, to mef^t and oppose the Gauls. An 
obstinate and bloody battle was fought, in which the 



HOME. 167 

omans xvrre iitterlj d^^fealrd, and t^eir army de- 
ro}rd. BrfMinus, elsted with vict(;ry, and siill 
eathing rcveneje and fury, continued his march to- 
ards Romo. In a word, he entered the city wi-hout 
sistance, I)urnt it to the ground, and put the inhnhi- 
nts to (he sword. Nothing seemed now to rerDain 
the Roman state capable of defending itself, but the 
d'-brafed rapitol ; were a body of the bravest of 
e Romans h( hi out against evri j effort of the Gauls, 
rennu?. at hiiiith, grew weary of th.e siege, and 
'oposed to the Romans, that if they would pay him 
)e thousand pounds vveie:ht of gold, he would draw 
r his arnij, and give them no further trouble. They 
icppted the proposal, and the gold was produced, 
ut while it was weighing, some of the Gauls at- 
mpted to kick the beam, to prevent a just weight, 
he Romans complained of so flagrant an injustice ; 
it Brennus immediately cast his sword into the 
ilance, and gave them to understand, that their 
miplaints would be useless — that they must think 
'nothing but compliance with the will of their im- 
?rious conqueror. 

At that moment, intelligence ^vns brought, that 
amillus, the general, whom they hod so unjustly 
mished, was approaching at the head of an army, 
e had heard of the calamities of his country; and, 
jving raised a body of forces, was so fortunate, as to 
rive at that critical moment, when his presence 
as necessary, and his exertions effertual, to the sal- 
ition of his country. Camillus entered the place, 
here the business was transacting, aad immediately 
•dtTcd the Ronians to fake back the gold, whence 
was brought ; telling Brennus, with an air as haugh- 
' as that of the barbarian, that the Romans were in 
le usj not to purchase peace with money, but with 
on. 

The presence of this great man revived thedroop- 
g spirits of his countr^mrn. They ral'ied round 
s standard ; and encounteiing the barbarians with 



1^8 ROME. 

the most resolute bravery, defeated and almost en- 
tirely cut them off. Thus Rome was delivered from 
the most dangerous enemy, if we except Hannibal, 
that she was to see for many ages. 

The Roman people, in these ancient times, ex- 
hibited the strangest mixture of bravery, superstition, 
barbarity, discipline, enthusiasm, levity and wisdom. 
They were cont'viually engaged in war, and were 
generally succes^fal. But tlie drej^dTuI chastisement 
they received frf.m the hand of Brennus and the 
GauU, was attended by coi^sequences as lusting, as 
deplorable. Their territories, still but small, were 
ravaged ; their rity laid in asbes ; many of their 
bravest men kilb'd in battle; and their resources 
severely drained, tnough not exhausted : for their re- 
sources, as yet, were not ajouey, nor strong fortresses, 
nor large territories, nor nnmberi^, nor powerful al- 
lies. Their resources consisted in firm, determined 
spirits ; great souls, fearless of danger or of death ; 
minds strong, bold, intrepid and persevering. To 
brave danger was to them the fiehi of glory ; and 
their only alternative was death or victory. '^I'hey 
enjoyed victory or endured defeat with equal moder- 
ation ; and this they were able to do beyond any 
other nation ; because nature had endued them with 
independent, unconquerable minds, and with invinci- 
ble bravery and magnanimity. 

After the invasion of the Gauls, the Romans rose 
more experienced, more warlike, more formidable, 
then ever. We soon see them engaged in a war with 
the Samnites, the most powerful nation then in Italy. 
This war lasted many years, and was attended with 
various turns of fortune ; and when it was likely to 
terminate in complete victory and triumph on the 
side of the Romans, an event took place, which 
seemed once more to threaten the existence of the 
Roman nation. 

The Samnites, overpowered by the bravery and 
discipline of the Romans, sent for aid to Pyrrhus, the 



ROME. 169 

eVhrated kine of Epirus, of whom we have already 
aktn some notice. It was generally thought impos- 
ihle for the Romans to contend successfully with 
his great commandt r. He had been fornned in the 
,rt of war, upon (he maxims and examples of Alex- 
nder and Epaminondas; and notwithstanding the 
iegencracy of fhe Greeks and Asiatics, from whoni 
he military spirit had long smce departed, had been 
tble to inspire the armies he commanded with his 
)vvn heroic virtues. He had found no equal in Egypt 
►r Asia. Happy would it have been for him, had 
le pursued more closely the footsteps of Alexan- 
ler, and especially had he kept at a distance from 
taly ; though even that might not have saved him 
rom a collision with the growing power of the 
Romans. 

Pyrrhus immediately prepared to answer the re- 
[uest of the Samnites. He embarked from Epirus, 
vith an army of twenty thousand foot and three thou- 
and horse, and twenty elephants ; but in crossing the 
Adriatic sea, his floet was dispersed in a storm, and 
nany of his vessels were lost. Although his arma- 
ncnt v.as greatly diminished, he still thought the 
xmnant more than a match for (he rude and barba- 
•ous people of Italy. His judgment of the Romans 
vas probably not dissimilar to that formed of the 
^(lurican people before the revolutionary war ; at 
vhirh time some imagined, that a few thousand regu- 
ar troops would i^trike an awe through the continent, 
md that the semi-bnrbarians of the colonies would 
lever dare to face disciplined and veteran troops. 

But Pyrrhus found the Romans not so rude and 
barbarous, as he expected. The first view he had of 
heir military order and skill, struck him w-.ith sur- 
arise; and the first victory he gained, in all probabil- 
ity, utterly extinguished his hopes of subdumg the 
Romans. It is worthy of remaj'k how difForently the 
Romans received this invasion of Pyrrhus, from what 
the Persians did that of Alexander, Pyrrhus found 
J5 



1 70 ROME- 

the Romans ready to receive him ; and when he of- 
fered to mediate between them and the Samnites, he 
was answered by Lsevinus, the consul, that the Ro- 
man people neither respected him as a mediator, nor 
feared him as an enemy. 

The first batde was fought on the banks of the 
river Lyris. Pjrrhus drew up his army with the ut- 
most skill ; nor was there a want of skill and discern- 
ment in the order and movements of the Romans : 
and here was first seen contrasted the Grecian pha- 
lanx with the Roman legion : nor have the ablest 
tacticians been positive in determining Vv'hich, on all 
accounts, was preferable. The loose array of the 
legion gave celerity to its evolutions, and certainly 
admitted of various conveniences ; but the close and 
firm strength of the phalanx, by cundensing the 
physical force, rendered its impression more certain, 
and its shock more dreadful. 

The field, on both parts, was managed with great 
skill, and was fought with the most determined bra- 
very. Motives of safety and ofhonor v/rought pow- 
erfully with both generals, and both armies : and it 
is probable, that few battles have been more severe. 
But the Greeks at length prevailed ; and Pyrrhus by 
the aid of his elephants, which \Ycre sent among the 
Romans, gained a complete victory. The Romans 
were put to flight, leaving fifteen thousand men dead 
on the field of battle. But the loss of Pyrrhus w^as 
not much inferior: insomuch, that, while some were 
congratulating him on account of his victory, he is 
said pathetically to have exclaimed, that another 
such victory would ruin him. 

Pyrrhus once more tried the virtue of negociation. 
He sent Cineas, a man of great eloquence, who had 
been the scholar of Demosthenes, ambassador to 
Rome. But this attempt, like the former, was with- 
out success. The Romans were deaf to all proposals 
of accommodation short of Pyrrhus's retiring out 
of Italy, Neither eloquence nor bribery, neither 



ROME. 171 

threats nor persuasions, could produce any effect on 
that haughty, determined people. The war was 
therefore renewed with great vigor on both sides ; 
and various battles were fought, with more success to 
the Romans; till at length Pyrrhus was totally de- 
feated and his army cut in pieces. Giving up all 
hopes, therefore, of effecting any thing against so 
brave and powerful an enemy, he was forced to em- 
bark in haste, and leave his allies to the inevitable 
fate of subjugation by the victorious Romans. Pyr- 
rhus, however, left a garrison in the city of Taren- 
tum, and advised the Tarentines to support their 
cause with what vigor they could, till he could have 
time to levy more forces in Greece, and return. But 
he probably had little expectation of ever returning 
to those shores, where he had experienced so severe 
a reverse of fortune. It is certain he never did re- 
turn j nor did he ever seem to recover the current of 
his former good fortune. 

The Tarentines, who had been the principal lead- 
ers in the war of the Samniles, were now left to 
struggle with the Romans ; nor would the struggle 
have been long, had they not made application for 
aid to another foreign power. While the garrison 
left by Pyrrhus, tyrannized in the city, and the Ro- 
mans were masters of the country round them, they 
applied to the Carthaginians for succour, as their last 
and only resort. 

We have already made mention of the Cartha- 
ginians. As early as the invasion of Greece by 
Xerxes, they were powerful both by sea and land ; 
and furnished, according to some writers, an army 
of 300,000 men, who operated in conjunction with 
the Persians. They were willing, it appears, to in- 
terfere with the Romans, of whose growing power 
they had long been jealous. They soon drew a 
powerful fleet into the harbor of Tarentum, with a 
view to check the progress of the Roman arms. It 
had not, however, the desired effect. The Romans 



172 ROME. 

found means to corrupt and bring over Ibe garrfeoti 
to their interest ; in consequence of which the city 
was taken, its walls and fortifications demolished, and 
the inhabitants were granted their liberty, and pro- 
tection from the Romans. 

The military spirit, as we have seen in the former 
part of this compend, passed from the Assyrians to 
the Persians, from them to the Greeks, and from the 
Greeks to the Carthaginians. Though the origins 
of Rome and Carthage, according to many writers, 
were not very far distant, in point of time, yet the 
latter rose first to consequence ; and w hile Rome was 
only a single city, and the Romans an obscure horde, 
the Carthaginians, by their fleets, kept the shores of 
the Mediterranean in awe. possessed the islands of 
that sea; had, in fact, passed the straits of Gibraltar; 
coasted down the African peninsula, and up the 
shores of Europe, through the British channel; and, 
it is thought, had reached the coasts of Norway, if 
not even the shores of the Baltic sea. They form 
one of the numerous proofs, and one not the least 
splendid, of the power and consequence, which com- 
merce will give a nation. 

We shall here digress a moment, by giving a brief 
sketch of the rise and greatness of Carthage ; a 
power, which held a long and doubtful contest with 
Rome for empire ; nor would she have failed in that 
contest, if while her fleets and armies were victorious. 
abroad, she had not been weakened by disunion, and 
rent by factions at home. 

Carthage was founded by a colony from ancient 
Phoenicia, a country lying at the east end of the 
Mediterranean, whose chief cities were Tyre and 
Sidon. If we might rely on Virgil's authority, this 
famous city was founded by Dido, the sister-in-law 
of Pygmalion, king of Tyre, about the time of the 
destruction of Troy. According to the story of the 
Latin poet, ^neas, the Trojan prince, who had escap- 
ed the ruins of his country, w^as driven by a storm 



ROME. 1 73 

on the coast of Africa, and there had an interview 
with Dido, the founder and queen of Carthage. 

That virtuous and lovely queen, whose constancy 
to the memory of her husband Sicha3us, even surpass- 
ed the fame of Penelope, received the fugitive Tro- 
jans, rescued them from the utmost distress, and pro- 
tected them from the barbarous customs of the hostile 
people, on whose shores they were cast. To reward 
her for this, a plot was laid in heaven, among the 
principal deities, for her destruction. Cupid the god 
of love, was sent down to assume the form of Asca- 
nius, the son of ^Eneas, to inflame the passions of 
Dido, while Venus lent all her aid to the hero him- 
self. So soon as the powers of heaven combined, 
had enabled him to triumph in the most complete 
seduction of his benefactress, Mercury comes flying 
down in all haste to apprise him, that it is now time 
to be gone. And, like all other villains, whose 
triumph over innocence is followed with indiflerence 
and disgust, he hastens away. The queen, unable 
to bear his enormous ingratitude and peerless atro- 
city, kills herself in despair. 

Did it accord with the temper and genius of Virgil 
to make his favorite hero the instrument of such dis- 
tress and destruction to innocence and virtue ? Did 
he think, it would do honor to the gods of his country 
to father upon them as dark a plot, as ever was fabri- 
cated in hell ? Did he think it would be an additional 
gem in the diadem of iEneas, to make him trample on 
the virtue of the Tyrian queen? Or, in a word, did 
he imagine, that, by the introduction of his wonted 
machinery, a veil of sanctity would be thrown over 
the whole, and cover all its deformities? 

But, though it would seem extraordinary, that 
Virgil should, through ignorance or choice, fall into 
such a glaring anachronism, yet it is certain, that the 
best authorities place the founding of Carthage at a 
great distance from the destruction of Troy. Ac- 
cordipg to the opinion of the learned Bochart, the 
15* 



174 ROME* 

city of Carthage was bnilt about the time of Josbaa's 
conquest of Canaan. The territories of Tyre and 
Sidon were allotted to the tribe of Asher; and many 
of the Phoenicians, at that time, to avoid a war of 
extermination, wpnt on board their vessels, and 
sought for new establishments. A company of them 
landed and made a settlement on the African shore, 
a few miles from where the city of Tunis now stands* 
There they laid the foundatirjn of Carthage. But 
this was two centuries and a half before the siege of 
Troy. Bochart, in this opinion, has followed the 
best ancient authorities ; and he has been followed 
by the ablest chronologers since his time, who, more- 
over, fix the emigration of Dido to the African shore 
nearly two centuries and a half after the Trojan war,. 

The Carthaginiansj descended from a people, whom 
long voyages and extensive commerce had rendered 
enterprising and bold, followed the footsteps of their 
mother country ; and soon went far beyond her. 
Their commerce, which embraced almost every 
species of traffic, extended to all parts of the known 
world. Their ships were in the Mediterranean and 
Ked seas, and in many parts of the Indian and At- 
lantic oceans. 

But we cannot notice here their wars and revolu* 
tions. They seem however not to have interfered 
much with the great monarchies of Asia ; and it is 
certain, that their power by sea was, in general, their 
security against invasion. The first notice, we have 
taken of them, was in the invasion of Greece by 
Xerxes. Him they furnished with an army to invade 
Sicily ; which invasion, by means of weakness in the 
directing head, proved unfortunate in all its parts. 
But Sicily, however, and most other islands in the 
Mediterranean, soon after that invasion, fell under 
the power of Carthage 

Under the name of a republic, the Carthaginians 
were generally governed by a set of powerful men,, 
^ho, oever wanted for means to procure their owa 



ROME. 1 76 

appointment to the most important offices. Nor can 
it be said, that Carthage ever enjoyed the free and 
independent spirit of Rome. 

The government and policy of the Carthaginians, 
as indeed of all the ancient nations, was interwoven 
with their religion. For the sake of illustrating this 
hy example, I have inserted a passage from Rollin's 
Ancient History, which he has taken from Polybius. 
The passage is found in the words of a treaty between 
the Carthagiiiians and the king of Macedon, and will 
show ii« the solemn manner in which their treaties 
were formed. *' This treaty was concluded in the 
presence of Jupiter, Juno and Apollo; in the pres- 
ence of Daiu.(Jiios, of the Carthaginians, of Hercules, 
and iolaus ; in the presence of Mars, Triton, and 
Neptune ; in the presence of all the confederate 
gods of the Carthaginians, and of the sun, moon and 
earth ; in the presence of the rivers, meads and 
waters ; in the presence of all those gods, who pos- 
sess Carthage." 

The government of Carthage, much like that of the 
Rom.nn republic, consisted of three orders. The 
Suffctes, of which there were two, answered in most 
particulars to the consuls of Rome. Thej were ap- 
pointed annually, and are called sometimes kings, 
dictators or consuls. Their power was great. The 
Senate consisted of men most remarkable for wisdom 
and prudence, and formed their council of state. 
Their number is not known. The whole body of 
the people composed the lower order. But the peo- 
ple generally submitted all matters of government to 
the senate. Towards the conquest of Carthage, 
however, by the Romans, the people grew turbulent, 
factious and rebellious, and being led by aspiring 
demagogues, they interfered ; and finally .subverted 
the state. In general, their government was sufS- 
ciently virtuous to give securitj to private property, 
and consequently (o promote industry and enterprise i 
but it was frequently cruel, tyrannical, tuniulluary 



116 ROME, 

and impolitic. When Hannibal was upon the point 
of conquering Rome, a faction in the senate of Car- 
thage mined him. But there must be a cause for 
the dissolution of all governments, states and empires. 
Even Rome, after having flourished her day, fell 
into disorder, confusion, weakness and ruin. 

The Romans were now masters of Italy ; an ex- 
tensive, fertile, and in many parts, a populous coun- 
try. We have now no means of coming at the pro- 
bable number of inhabitants ; but Italy now sus- 
tains twenty millions of people, notwithstanding the 
great degeneracy of morals and want of industry, 
which prevail in that country. From various cir- 
cumstances, which attract our notice in the Punic 
war, we may saft ly conclude, that Italy then con- 
tained several millions of people. 

The resources of the two powers we are now coft- 
siderinff, were very different, but very great. Car- 
thage, oy extensive and prosperous commerce, had 
amassed the wealth of the world. She abounded in 
gold and silver, and in every species of valuable, ele- 
gant and luxurious merchandise. She had also an 
immense population. The northern shores of Africa 
were then the granary of the world ; they were full 
of people ; they were the fruitful nursery of armies; 
and the number of their vessels was prodigious. But 
the Africans, at this time, were neither inebriated 
by luxury, nor yet enervated by their warm climate. 
They had powerful armies; and it was their good 
fortune to have a number of great generals, who were 
perhaps never surpassed in some essential points of 
the military character. They were crafty, intrepid, 
brave ; and especially they were impetuous and 
almost irresistible in their modes of attack. 

The Romans were as yet poor ; they were actuated 
by patriotism and love of glory. Their courage was 
cool, but firm and unshaken ; and was always most 
thoroughly roused by the greatest danger. They 
were inured to hardships, and were, in one word, a 



ROME. 177 

nation of soldiers: for, as Cineas told Pyrrhus, that 
every one of their senators was fit for a king, so he 
might also have said, that every one of iheir soldiers 
was fit for a general. 

Such being the contending parties. It will not be 
thought extravagant, when we observe, that the con- 
test between Rome and Carthage was conducted with 
the firmest spirit, and the greatest resolution ; that it 
was the mo5t equally matched, and vigorously fought ; 
in short, that it was the most severe, w^hether we re- 
gard the extremity, extent, or duration of its opera- 
tions ; and the most illustrious, whether we regard 
the characters concerned, or the consequences which 
followed, of any found in the annals of history : for, 
in this contest, the two greatest powers in the world 
were engaged ; and it was certain, that whoever was 
victorious miist remain without a rival. 

The expulsion of P) rrhus from Italy, and reduction 
of the Samnites and Tarentum, completed the subju- 
gation of Italy, and left the Romans masters of the 
garden of Europe. They must now find new fields 
of glory. The prospect northward was uninviting. 
There lay the Alps and the fierce nations of Gaul. 
Eastward lay Greece, separated from them by the 
Adriatic sea, which was possessed by the fleets of 
Carthage. Sicily, divided from them only by a nar- 
row strait, allured them by its immense riches, and 
was easy of access; but there the grasping power of 
Carthage had already unfurled its victorious stand- 
ard. 

Hiero, king of Syracuse, was engaged in a war with 
the Mamertines, a small Sicilian state; and being 
hardly pressed, he called in the Carthaginians to his 
aid, who presently furnished him with prompt assist- 
ance by sea and land. The Mamertines, seeing 
themselves thus overmatched, icnmediatel}' sent to 
the Roman senate, and put t'jemselves under the 
protection of the Romans. The senate, still mindful 
of the interference of the Carthaginians in the siege 



178 Rome:. 

of Tarentura, determined now on a trial of strengthj 
and without further delay, declared war against Car- 
thage. Thus commenced what is commonly called 
the first Punic war.* 

It was soon perceived by the Romans, that any ad- 
vantages they might gain in Sicily over their adver- 
saries, could neither be very important, nor perma- 
nent, so long as their adversaries were masters of the 
seas. As chimerical as it might seem, they deter- 
mined to remove this impediment. Their own im- 
mense peninsula furnished them with numberless 
harbors ; their forests afforded them timber ; their 
gpnius promised them skill; and their hardy sons 
might easily become excellent seamen. About the 
same time a Carthaginian vessel falling into their 
hands, they took it as their model, and went without 
delay to building a fleet. In a short time, a fleet was 
built and equipped for sea. Of this naval armament 
Daillius took the command ; and immediately putting 
to sea, he encountered and defeated one of the prin- 
cipal fleets of Carthage, sinking or destroying fifty of 
their ships. A victory so brilliant and so unexpected, 
and achieved by the infant navy of Rome, gave man- 
kind new ideas of the capacity and genius of the Ro- 
man people. But we cannot descend to a minute 
detail of particular events. The Romans, having 
gained several advantages both by sea and land, de- 
termined without delay to carry the war into Africa, 
in hopes of terminating it by one decisive effort. 

They soon fitted out a fleet more powerful than the 
former, and prepared to make a descent upon the 
coast of Africa. This army was commanded by Re- 
gulus, at that time considered the greatest general in 
Rome ; a man eminent for integrity, bravery and all 
the virtues of the patriot and hero. Regulus was no 1 
sooner at sea, than he was met by the fleets of Car- 

* The wars between the Carthaginians and Romans, are called 
Punic wars, because the ancient Carthaginians were Phenician's. 
—Ed. 






ROME. 179 



bage. A battle ensued, in which the Romans canne 
)jrt with conripleie victory and triumph. Thej land- 
ed, and encountering an army composed of the flower 
)t Carihnge. once more obtained a signal victory, 
n consequence of which, many towns and cities sub- 
nitted to the Roman army. Such a series of severe 
lefeats and heavy losses tilled Carthage with grief, 
error and astonishment; and it was apprehended, 
hat the Romans would immediately complete the 
:onquest of Africa. 

But It should be remembered, that the histories of 
hese transactions were generally written by Roman 
3ens. Allowance must, therefore, be made for such 
flosses and colorings, as might be expected from a 
people, unwilling to acknowledge the military merit 
)f other nations. The Carthaginians, in this extrem- 
ty, sent to Lacedenion, and requested Xantippus, a 
celebrated Grecian general, to command their armies. 
Their request was granted ; and the almost desperate 
iffairs of Carthage assumed a new form. 
I This brave and gallant commander soon appeared 
it tlie head of an army ; gave battle to the Romans ; 
defeated them with dreadful slaughter, and Regulus, 
.he Roman general, was taken prisoner. It is re- 
narked by some, that events either fortunate or dis- 
istrnus, seldom come alone. This remark holds u,ood 
m the present case; and fortune seemed now willing, 
for a while, to shift sides. The Roman senate, almost 
at once, received intelligence of the loss of Regulus 
md his army, of the total loss of their fleet in a storm 
it sea, and of the capture of Agrigentum, their chief 
;own in Sicily, by Kasthalo, the Cartfiaginian gene- 
ral. Having put another fleet to sea, it was also 
iriven ashore and wrecked in a storm. 

Jt may be presumed, that the fleets of those times 
rvere but poorly built and equipped to resist the dan- 
gers of the sea ; and if to this idea we add that of 
heir ignorance of the art of navigation, it is matter 
if wonder, how they accoiiplished what they cer- 



1$0 ROME. 

tainly did on the sea. To perform long voyages 
without a compass, must be attended with continual 
perplexity and danger. Ti:ie Romans discovered this 
to thpir cost : and Eutropius remarks, that they were 
so disgusted and chagrined with these disasters at sea, 
that they in a measure abandoned forever all naval 
enterprises. But their prosperity on the land was 
ultioMtply more than a counterbalance. They al- 
ways, however, had ships mough to transport their 
arnjies wherever they wished to send them ; and 
they did in fact after this, gain several victories over 
the Carthaginians at sea. 

ReguUis, in the mean time, was thrown into a dun- 
geon, where he lay some years, while the war pro- 
gressed with vigor, but with no material advantage on 
either side. At length, however, as the bravery of 
the Romans was fatigued, and the treasures of Car- 
thage no less exhausted, the Carthaginians thought it 
a favorable time to propose conditions of peace. To- 
gether with their own ambassadors, they also sent 
Regulus home upon parole of honor, exacting from 
him a promise, that he would return, provided the 
Romans did not accept of their conditions. The con- 
duct of Regulus, on this occasion, has been justly cel- 
ebrated through all succeeding ages. Although he 
knew, that the severest torments awaited his return 
to Carthage, yet, as the guardian of the honor of his 
countrj'^, he suffered no private consideration to in- 
fluence his conduct. He strenuously opposed a 
peace, but upon terms as humbling to Carthage, as 
they were advantageous and honorable to Rome. 

The great and noble spirit, he manifested, revived 
the courage of his countrymen, and determined them 
to prosecute the war. But as for himself he return- 
ed to Carthage, and was put to death with the most 
dreadful and lingering torments. This he foresaw, 
and laid down his life voluntarily for the good of his 
country. Patriots, like Regulus, are as scarce, as 
ihose are plenty, who, in the midst of the most pom- 



! 



ROME. 181 

pous professions, v;ould sell or sacrifice their country, 
to advance tht'ir own private interest. 

After the death of Regains, the atlairs of Carthage 
experienced an evident and rapid decline; and the 
Roman arms prevailed in all directions, till the Car- 
thaginians found it necessary to make peace on the 
most dishonorable terms. These were, that they 
should evacuate Sicily and the ncighhoring islands; 
give up all their prisoners and deserters without ran- 
som ; keep all their ships of war at a distance from 
the Roman dominions; never make war with the 
Roman allies; pay down a thousand talents of silver, 
and two thousaiid and two hundred more, in ten 
years. To these conditions Carthage acceded ; and 
thus ended the thst Funic war, in the year 513 from 
the building of the city. 

The Romans themselves were willing at this time 
to take breath ; for though, in this war, they had 
generally the advantage, yet it was an advantage 
dearly bought; and tliey often perceived the balance 
to fluctuate; soinetimes to turn against them. In- 
deed, their scene of operations was wide; their ex- 
ertions extreme and long continued, in combatting a 
great and powerful people, who, though less warlike, 
certainly possessed superior resources. At this 
period, while Rome enjoyed profound peace, and the 
temple of Janus was shut, several events took place 
strongly connected with the chain of causes, which 
was to elevate her to the summit of empire and glory. 
A passion for elegant literature, for the first time, be- 
gan now to appear; particularly the Grecian drama 
began to take place of the low, wretched and smutty 
satire, as it was called, which hitherto had only been 
known at Rome ; and, from this period, the strong 
genius of Rome labored perpetually upon Grecian 
models. They never could equal their masters in 
dramatic composition ; but, in many other species of 
writing, they not only equalled, but excelled; and even 
merited the honor of inventing several of theif own. 
16 



182 ROME, 

Between the first and second Punic wars, the tem- 
ple of Janus did not continue long shut. The fierce 
and barbarous nations of Gaul, judging it now a con- 
venient time, when the Ronr^an armies were disband- 
ed, and the spirit of war seemed quiet, once more to 
make an attempt upon Italy, they crossed the Alps, 
and poured down in an immense swarm into the fruit- 
ful country of Etruria, But they learned their error, 
when too late. They were surrounded and cut in 
pieces almost to a man. Viridomarus, their king, 
was slain by the hand of t])e celebrated Marcellus, 
who was called the szoord of Rome, They, as might 
be expected, begged and obtained a peace. 

The Carthaginians, who had been compelled by ne- 
cessity to accept the most inglorious terms of peace, 
were now measurably recovered from the calamities 
of an unfortunate war, and determined once more on 
a trial of strenth with the great and formidable pow- 
er of Rome. They were, indeed, excited and roused 
to this measure by one of the most extraordinary men, 
who has ever appeared in the Vvorld. Hannibal, on 
whom the comiDand of the second Pusiic war devolv- 
ed, had been, (lom his chiidiioi)d, a sworn enemy to 
the Romans. It is said, lliat when he was but nine 
years old, his father, Handlcar, who was himself a 
great and skilful general, caused him to take a solemn 
oath, never to be in friendship with the Romans. 

The Carthaginians began the war by besieging 
Saguntum, a city in Spain, in alliance with the Ro- 
imans. An embassy was immediately despatched to 
Carthage, complaining of this infraction of an ex- 
isting treaty. This remonstrance failing of success, 
both sides once more prepared for war, in a manner 
suited to the greatness of the contending parties. 

Hannibal, who was then in Spain, sent a part of 
liis forces into Africa, left another part under the 
command of Asdrubal, his brother, to carry on the 
war in Spain, and at the head of about 50,000 select 
troops, and a formidable body of cavalry, as stated b^ 



ROME. 183 

Cornelius "D^epos, he directed his march toward Italy. 
Out of Spain, he passed over the Pyrenean moun- 
tains into Gaul, where he encountered and dispersed 
the barbarous and hostile tribes, who opposed him- 
He crossed tiie Alps with his army, an enterprise, 
considering that it was performed in the dead of 
winter, truly stupendous and astonishing. Since the 
heroic achievements of Hercules, no army had ever 
crossed those lofty ridges, where vast declivities, 
frightful steeps and dreary wastes, received in suc- 
cession, the adventurous traveller; where nature's 
Toughest aspect derived additional horrors from the 
ravages of winter; and the frequent and desperate 
attacks of fierce savages, issuing from the caverns 
and grottos of these inhospitable rocks, increased the 
dangers of every step. 

This arduous enterprise was accomplished in about 
two weeks, but with the loss of nearly half the army. 
But nothing could repress the ardor of Hannibal. 
He was now on the plains of Italy ; he must conquer 
or die. 

The Romans, who carefully watched Hannibal's 
motions, received intelligence by the swiftest cou- 
riers, that he was crossing the Alps at the head of a 
powerful army. So bold an enterprise, likely to be 
attended with important consequences, excited con- 
siderable sensations at Rome. But what could the 
Romans fear? The bravest nation in the world, skill- 
ed in the art of war by the experience of ages, they 
had triumphed over every enemy : even Pyrrhus, 
the greatest general of his time, could not stand be- 
fore them. And in a former war, they had, at the 
gates of Carthage, prescribed to her, conditions of 
peace. But now they were far more powerful, by 
increase of numbers, wealth and experience. 

But we cannot particularize the events of this war. 
Hannibal first defeated Scipio, Who met him near the 
river Po, with a numerous array, soon after he had 
entered Italy. A few days after this, he encountered 



184 ROME. 

another arniv, commanded by Scmpronius, on the 
feanks of the Trebia. This army he routed with great 
slaughter. The third army, commanded by Flamin- 
ius, he cut oflT near the lake of Thrasymcne. The 
news of these successive defeats, spread consterna- 
tion and dismay tlirout;h Italy ^ and many of the 
Cisalpine Gauls immediately declared for Hannibal, 
and flocked to his standard. And the Sicilians, who 
found that masters near at hand were more to be 
feared than at a distance, now generally shewed a 
disposition to join the conqueror. 

In this alarming stale of things, the mighty genius 
of Rome, which never failed to open to her new 
resources, suggested a means of checking the rapid 
progress of Hannibal. Fabius Maximus v/as appoii^t- 
ed dictator, a m.an of great subtilty and craft, as well 
as an able and experienced commander. To him, 
was committed, as to the last resort, the defence of 
the republic ; and he undertook that arduous task, 
by a mode of warfare hitherto unknown to the Ro- 
mans, but since their time often practised with suc- 
cess ; and by no one more illustriously than by him, 
who may be styled the shield of the American people. 
The Romans could bring no force into the field, 
which could stand before Hannibal. Fabius, there- 
fore, endeavored to keep out of his way, but to watch 
his motions; to hover about him ; cut off his foraging 
parties ; to disturb and weaken him by indirect 
means; to harass at one time his van, and at another, 
his rear; and especially to let no opportunity slip 
of annoying him, or, as it might happen, of gaining 
a signal advantage. And in pursuing this system, 
he in fact gained several considerable advant.Mges, 
and at length inclosed him in a place, from whence 
lie could not extricate himself without difficulty and 
danger. 

But no inclosures were sufficient long to detain 
him, whom no force could withstand, when at liber- 
ty. By a stratagem, he outwitted even Fabius, aiid 



ROME. ^ tZB 

gained once more (he open country. And now the 
calamities of Ron.e seemed drawing toward their 
crisis. The command of Fabius expiring, Terentius 
Varro, a man of rash, impetuous courage, was ap- 
pointed in his place, who advanced against Hannibal 
with 90,000 men, the flower and strength of Italy. 
Superiority of numbers, honor, shame, courage, the 
ancient fortune and glory of Rome — in short, resent- 
ment, rage and despair, all seemed to unite their in- 
fluence upon the minds of the Romans, and to lead 
them on to victory and vengeance. They fought, 
and were cut in pieces almost to a man. Fifty, some 
say seventy, thousand were left dead on the field of 
battle; and it is said, that three bushels of gold rings 
were sent to Carthage, which were drawn from the 
fingers of Roman knights. 

Hannibal has been generally, perhaps justly, cen- 
sured for not immediately investing Rome. Indeed 
some historians relate, that Maherbal, one of his 
principal officers, told him at the time, " that he knew 
how to conquer, but not how to improve his victory ; 
and that if he would march immediately to Rome, 
in three days they should sup in the capital." It ap- 
pears, that Hannibal had at this time but about 40,000 
foot forces, and not half that number of cavalry. If 
this be true, it would seem a sufficient reason for his 
delaying the siege of Rome. Although many Ro- 
mans had been killed in the war, yet there were 
vast numbers remaining; and of their courage, he 
had no reason to doubt. Had Carthage at this mo- 
ment invaded Italy with several other armies ; had 
she furnished Hannibal with three times the number 
of men he had, which she might have done, Rome 
might have been conquered. But while Hannibal 
was victorious in Italy, the government of Carthage 
was embarrassed, distracted, and rent by factions. 

Immediately after the battle of Cannas, Hannibal 
despatched his brother Mago, to Carthage, to carry 
an account of bis decisive victory, and to demand 
16* 



1^ 



ROME. 



more troops, in order to complete the reduction of 
Rome. But alas ! what can equal the blindness and 
rage of popular fury ? Hanno, a powerful dema- 
gogue in the senate of Carthage, ever bent on frus- 
trating the measures of Hannibal, prevailed against 
the request of Mago. And although an order was 
given for the raising of 24,000 foot and 4,000 horse, 
yet when those forces were levied in Spain, they 
were^sent another Vay, and never acted in that di- 
rection, where their aid would probably have ena- 
bled Hannibal to finish the war. Nor is this the 
only instance, where ambitious men have sacrificed 
their country, and even themselves to their own party 
views. 

Instead of wondering, thn; Hannibal did not imme- 
diately conquer Rome, nothing, indeed, can be rrtore 
astonishing, than that he was able, with an army re- 
duced to about 24,000 to maintain his ground for 
many years. 

Hannibal, however, carried on the war, and kept 
possession of the finest parts of Italy, for upwards of 
fifteen years. But the country was large, and the 
Romans, taught by adversity, and being fully recov- 
ered from their first consternation, found means to 
evade his impetuous valor, and make eifectual oppo- 
sition, without hazarding general battles. Rome 
owed its ultimate deliverance to several great men* 
Fabius, Marcellus, and Scipio, afterwards surnamed 
Africanus, led the Roman armies, and managed their 
affairs with equal courage and prudence. Though 
they could not drive Hannibal out of Italy, they led 
armies into Spain and Sicily, and finally into Africa, 
where the war became so threatening, that the Car- 
thaginians were obliged to recal Hannibal, to defend 
their own dominions. Hannibal returned, but too 
late. The Carthaginians were too far gone, to be 
rescued by mortal prowess. 

Historians have generally allowed, that Alexander 
was .the first of warriors. But if they allow the Ro 



ROME. iSt 

mans to have been the most warlike of the ancient 
nations, it will be difficult to say, why Alexander 
should take precedency of Hannibal. What com- 
parison could the Persians bear with the Romans? 
Hannibal, it is true, did not conquer Italy ; but what 
did he do ? He defeated, and nearly destroyed, four 
principal armies in succession. His own army was 
not large, nor was it recruited. The Gauls and 
other people in Italy, who espoused his cause, were 
not to be depended on ; and of his own regular force, 
there must have been a constant diminution. Many 
of the bravest Roman generals, he slew; their most 
wise and crafty he outwitted ; and their greatest and 
most consummate, he out-generalled. In the field, he 
was more than a match for Marcellus, and in policy^ 
for Fabius. Even Scipio Africanus did not conquer 
him, till he was overpowered and crushed by for- 
tune. 

No one can deny, that in the times of the Punic- 
wars, the Romans were far better soldiers than the 
Carthaginians ; but that they ever had an abler 
general, there is reason to doubt. 

On HannibaPs leaving Italy, he found the affairs 
of his country in a situation nearly desperate. He 
had with him the remnant of those soldiers, with 
whom he had fought fifteen years in Italy ; but they 
were covered with scars; worn out with toils; and 
their spirits broken with labor, misfortune and dis- 
appointment ; nevertheless, he encountered Scipio 
the younger, whose army was far superior to his 
own, and did every thing which prudence and valor 
could do. He was overpowered and obliged to seek 
safety by flight. 

This was the end of the second Punic war. The 
Carthaginians were now wilting to make peace upon 
any terms; and the Romans dictated such terms, as 
they saw fit. But that unhappy people did not long 
enjoy the benefit even of a treaty, which, while it 
left them the name, deprived them, in reality^ of in» 



188 KOME» 

dependence. The Romans renewed their exactions 
with the haughtiest tone of despotic insolence. Sub- 
mission was now in vain ; the miserable inhabitants 
of Carthage were ordered to leave their city, which 
was, by a decree of the Senate of Rome, condemned 
to be utterly demolished. Carthage, roused by de- 
spair, although by the most base and shameful treach- 
ery completely disarmed, now made her expiring ef- 
fort. The people shut their gates, fortified their 
walls and towers, and with incredible industry, fabri- 
cated such arms, as the time allowed. They -made a 
noble resistance. But the repeated and furious as- 
saults of a great and powerful army, could not long be 
resisted. The city was taken by storm, and together 
with its inhabitants, perished by fire and sword. 

Thus ended Carthage, one of the most renowned 
cities of antiquity, 146 years before Christ, 607 from 
the building of Rome, and above a thousand years 
from its foundation. 

But Hannibal, destined never to grace a Roman 
triumph, long survived the ruin of Carthage. Still 
retaining his enmity to the Romans, he maintained 
in every place the unequal struggle, endeavoring, by 
any means, to annoy them or to enkindle war against 
them. 



CHAPTER XYI. 

BRIEF HISTORICAL VIEW OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, FROM 
THE FALL OF CARTHAGE TO THE REIGN OF COMMODUS, 
CONTAINING A PERIOD OF THREE HUNDRED AND TWELVE 
YEARS. 

IN the infancy of Rome, she had many wars, but 
few conquests ; in her maturity, she had (ew wars 
and mnny conquests. When the power of conquest 
failed, Rome no longer had a rival. Her wars, or 
rather invasions, after that event, were generally of 



ROME. 1 89 

her own seeking'; and they were many. Rome was 
no sooner able to say, ^'Carthage must be destroy- 
ed," than, in her heart, she al^sQ said, The empire of 
Alexander shall be mine. First Macedon felt her 
grasp, and Perseus was hurled from the throne of 
Philip and Alexander; at which time she gracioasSy 
gave the Greeks their liberty, i. e. gave them law. 

Attains, king of Fergamiis, dying about this time, 
left his kingdom to the Romans, by will ; or, in other 
words, seeiiig the world sink beneath their power, 
he prefcired giving them a bloodless victory, and 
cloaked an ignoble dereliction of ri?:iht, under the 
specious name of a voluntary donation. Antioclius 
the Great, kin^r of Syria, was destined next to fall 
before them. He was at this period, the most pow- 
erful and opulent prince of all Alexander's succes- 
sors ; and had he accepted the advice and aid of 
Hannibal, there would have been al least a chance 
for his escaping the all-grasping power of Rome. 
Rut he, fearing lest, if any thing should be done, 
Hannibal would have ell the credit, was careful to 
go directly contrary to the advice of that general. 
The Romans defeated him almost without loss of 
blood; stripped him of a great part of his domin- 
ions; triumphed over him; extorted from him an 
immense tribute ; and left him only enough to grace 
the triumph of another campaign. 

Two other great cities shared the fate of Carthage, 
and nearly at the same time. Corinth,* one of the 
noblest cities of Greece, was utterly destroyed by 
Mummius, the consul, for offering some indignity to 
the Roman ambassadors ; and also Numantia, the 
capital of Spain. This city, after sustaining a siege 
of fourteen years, was reduced by Scipio. The in- 
habitants, being unable to liold out any longer, fired 
the city over their own heads, and all perished in 
the flames ; and Spain became a Roman province. 

* Cicero calls Corinth " Lumen tptius Grecise,!? the light «f 
»}] Greece, —Kd, 



1 90 ROME. 

The corruption of the senate, and the sedition and 
fall of the Gracchi, together with various distur- 
bances, next arise to view, in tracing the hisiory of 
Rome. Then follow the reduction of Numidia, and 
the civil wars in the republic, excited by the ambi- 
tion of Marius and Sylla, which terminated in the 
perpetual dictatorship of the latter. But it will not 
comport with our present design to enter into a detail 
of these particular events. 

Rome was perhaps never more powerful or happy, 
than in the days of Scipio Africanus, or about the 
times of the Punic wars. She then experienced 
great misfortunes and calamities; but those untoward 
events, instead of weakening or exhausting her, call- 
ed forth, nay, even created, new energies. From 
the invasion of Hannibal, she rose invincible ; and 
while that consummate warrior held his ground in 
Italy, she sent armies into Spain, Africa, Greece and 
Macedon. A great part of those immense regions, 
which Alexander subdued, soon shared the fate of 
the empire of Carthage ; and in those days, with the 
Romans, to proclaim war was to insure a triumph ; 
and to invade, was to conquer. 

When we look for a period in the Roman history, 
in which there is the greatest union of power, wis- 
dom, virtue and happiness, it will doubtless be found 
not far from the times, of which we are now speak- 
ing. The Romans, in earlier times of the republic, 
were more virtuous and patriotic than now ; but then 
they were weak. In the Augustan age, they v^ere 
certainly more enlightened, scientific and polished; 
but then they were less brave ; or if not less brave, 
their virtue was forever gone, and with it, the foun- 
dation of their prosperity and happiness. 

The conquest of Africa, Asia and Greece, at once 
poured into the coffers of Rome immense, incalcula- 
ble riches. On this almost boundless tide of pros- 
perity, a set of men were soon seen floating, of a 
very different character from Cincinnatus, Fabriciui 



ROME. 191 

and Regulus. To the most desperate bravery, they 
united unhouP(UH annbition ; and to the strongest 
expression of regard to their country, they united a 
total want of principle. Th-^ wealth of the world, 
like a mighty river, poured into Rome ; and many 
individuals acquired fortunes, which transcended 
royal magnificence. 

The elevation of Rome to such an astonishing 
height of power and splendor, drew to her, men of 
parts, of taste, of ambition and enterprise, and in 
short, men of every description, and almost every 
nation. The descendants of the ancient Romans, 
soon became few in comparison with the immense 
multitude, who by some means or other, acquired cit- 
izenship, or obtained a residence in Italy; and Rome 
herself experienced as great a change, as the nations 
she conquered. While she drew arts, elegance and 
science from Greece, she drew wealth, luxury, effem- 
inacy and corruption from Asia and Africa ; and she 
drew a swarm of hungjy fortune-hunters from every 
corner of the earth, wjio penetrated her inmost re- 
cesses ; outnumbcicd and overwhelmed her ancient 
people; in short, conquered their conquerors, cor- 
rupted their morah, and put a final period to their 
liberties. 

The civil wars of Rome, which soon followed the 
period of v*'hich we have been speakins", unfold to the 
reader, a spectacle equally dreadful and disgusting. 
Many persons, who had witnessed the destruction of 
Carthage, were still alive, and saw all Italy deluged 
in blood, by Marius and S} lia. From the destruc- 
tion of Carthage to the perpetual dictatorship of Syl- 
la, was a little rising of seventy years. During the 
latter part of this period, Lucius Sylla, envying the 
power and glory of Caius Marius, involved the re- 
public in a most bloody, disgraceful and destructive 
war. After various turns, which their affairs took in 
the progress of this eventful struggle ; after they 
bad destroyed half a million of men, including the 



192 ROME. 

best part of the Roman people ; had humbled Rome 
and Italy; had shed the noblest blood, and prostrat* 
ed the dignil> of the republic, Sjlla, an execrable 
monster of cruelty, tjr./.iny and ambition, was able 
to triumph over virtue, liberty and justice. He 
seated himself quietly in the exercise of despotic 
power, and became perpetual dictator. Rome never 
saw another moment of freedom. 

The Romans, in the times of Scipio, may be com- 
pared with the Greeks in the time of Themistocles ; 
and the triumph of Greece over Persia, with that of 
Rome over Cai-thage. In both cases, the conquerors 
were corrupted by wealth, and inebriated by luxury. 
We might go further and say, that the Peloponnesian 
war, vvliich succeeded the elevation of Greece, and 
laid the foundation of her ruin, resembled the civil 
wars of Rome, begun by Marius and Sylla, carried 
on by Cesar and Potnpey, and terminated by Augus- 
tus. But the firmness of the Roman character, the 
nature of their civil policy, and the immense extent 
of their conquests, enabled them still to be powerful, 
in spite of all their corruptions ; and had they been 
otherwise, there seemed to be no nation near them, 
who could have derived advantage from their weak- 
ness. They seem to have been raised up and endow- 
ed with universal dominion, that they might evidence 
to the world, how far a nation can be happy, and 
how long she can exist, without virtue or freedom. 

The ambition of the demagogues, as well as of the 
despots and tyrants of Rome, in one essential article, 
led them to promote the true and jiist policy of the 
empire : that was to attach the provinces as strongly 
as possible to the interest of Rome; to dissolve them 
down to one common mass — to preserve their exten- 
sive territories entire ; to cement them together by 
various alliances; and to preserve the empire undi-' 
vided. The strength of empires consists in their 
union. The Greeks, wanting this, soon failed ; and, 
m our own times, Poland, which ought, from her 



ROME. 193 

numerous advantages, to have been one of the most 
powerful kingdoms in the world, has exhibited a de- 
plorable spectacle of weakness and misery, by means 
of her internal divisions. Our own country had well 
nigh been swallowed up in the same gulf. 

The Roman community, launched at once on such 
a sea of luxury, wealth and glory, was variously i;f- 
fected. While all were struggling for eminence and 
power, it fortunately happened, that the reins of gov- 
ernment fell into strong and energetic hands. Of 
this description, generally speaking, were most of the 
first competitors, and of the triumvirates. The soft- 
ening power of luxury, the sudden inundation of 
Grecian elegance and refinement, and the elevation 
of conscious greatness and empire, combined with 
her native gravity in forming the genius of Rome. 
About this period, it began to bud ; soon after this> 
was its fairest bloom and richest maturity. If the 
genius of Rome was of a heavier mould than that of 
Greece, it possessed a more commanding gravity ; 
if it had less fire, it was more tranquil, majestic, and 
solemn ; and more hearts will vibrate with pleasure 
to the plaintive and elegant notes of the Roman, than 
to the electric fulminations of the Grecian muse. 

In the year 680 from the building of the city, the 
republic was freed from the tyranny of Sylla, by the 
death of that odious tyrant. But two men, of far 
more extensive views and refined ambition than either 
Marius or Sylla, were already prepared to run the 
same race. By various arts, as well as by great 
abilities, Cneus Pompey had become the most popular 
man in Rome, and was considered as the greatest 
commander in the republic. Crassus possessed that 
authority and influence, which great eloquence and 
immense wealth, combining with all the wiles of am- 
bition, could procure. He was the richest man in 
Rome. 

While Pompey, who warmly espoused the Marian 
faction, strove to gain the favor of the people, by 
17 



194 ROME. 

abrogating many of the tyrannical laws of Sylla, 
Crassus employed his amazing wealth in donations, 
distributions of corn among the poor, in public feasts 
and entertainments; and it is said, that he supported, 
at his own private expense, the greatest part of the 
citizens for several months ; expenditures sufficient to 
have exhausted the treasures of the greatest princes. 
In the progress of their contest for power, their ani- 
mosities broke forth on every occasion, in opposition 
more or less direct, and by means more or less violent. 

At this period, while the destinies of Rome seem- 
ed to hang in doubtful suspense, three characters ap- 
peared of very diiTerent complexions, but equally ex- 
traordinary, equally to be remembered, but with very 
different sensations, in posterity ; Catiline, Cicero, 
and Cesar. One of these men procured for himself 
irnmortal fame by his atrocious villany; one, by his 
unrivalled eloquence; and one, by his ambition, bra- 
very and good fortune. 

Julius Cesar may be regarded as the greatest of 
the Roman commanders. In him the military genius 
of Rome displayed its utmost strength and perfec- 
tion ; but, as yet, he was not known in that group of 
great characters and personages, who, now inflamed 
with ambition, were preparing to carve and divide 
the world among them. Lucius Catiline is allowed 
by all writers to have possessed every quality of 
a great man, but integrity and virtue ;* instead of 
which, he held every principle, and practised every 
vice, which could form a most infamous, atrocious 
aud abandoned villain. Possessed of a body and 
mind equally .strong and vigorous, he was bold, en- 

* There is no more difficulty in conceiving, that a man may be 
great, without goodness, than that a mountain may be great, with- 
out beauty. If goodness is essential to greatness, then, neither 
Romulus nor Themistocles, nor Brenuus, nor Philip, nor Alexan- 
der, nor Hannibal, nor Marius, nor Mithridates, nor Cesar, nor 
Mahomet, nor Genghis Khan, nor Bajazet, nor Tamerlane, nor 
Solyman, nor Charles V. — was a great man. If goodness is essen- 
tial to greatness, then, to say of any great man, that he is good, 
must be superfluous. — Ed. 



ROME. 195 

terprising and industrious. He hesitated at no cru- 
eUy to gratify his revenge ; he abstained from no 
crime, which could subserve his pleasures; he valued 
no labor or peril to gratify his ambition. Catiline 
perceiving himself not among the most favored 
rivals, who were courting the mistress of the world, 
determined on getting her into his possession by 
violence. His end was the same as theirs; but his 
means were more unwarrantable. He planned and 
organized one of the deepest, most extensive and 
daring conspiracies, recorded in history. The lead- 
ing objects of his conspiracy were, to put out of the 
way by one general massacre, all who would be likely 
to oppose his measures ; to pillage the city of Rome j 
to seize all public treasures, arsenals and stores; to 
establish a despotic government ; to revolutionize 
the whole republic; and to accomplish all these 
measures by an armed force. 

This sanguinary plot was detected and crushed by 
Cicero, the great and justly celebrated orator of 
Rome. The accomplices of Catiline were seized 
and put to death ; and Catiline himself, who had as- 
sembled an army of twelve thousand men, was en- 
countered, defeated and slain. 

But if Rome escaped this threatening gulf, it was, 
that she might fall into a snare, apparently less 
dreadful, but equally strong and conclusive as to her 
fate. Her days of virtue and glory were past ; hence- 
forth, she was to be ruled with a rod of iron. The 
dissentions of Pompey and Crassus were quieted by 
the mediation of Cesar, who stepped in between 
them, outwitted them both, and became the head of 
the first triumvirate. Having amicably agreed to 
govern in copartnership, Pompey chose Spain ; Cras- 
sus chose the rich and luxurious province of Asia ; 
and to Cesar were allotted the powerful and warlike 
nations of Gaul, as yet unconquered. What was the 
result? Pompey basked for a moment in the splen- 
dors of Rome; and his fame was trumpeted by the 



196 ROME. 

eloquence of Cicero. Crassus was slain by the Par- 
thians, endeavoring to enlarge his territories, and 
Cesar conquered the Gauls in a thousand balihs. 
Pompey could not bear an equal, nor Cesar a supe- 
rior. They were mutually jealous ; they differed ; 
they prepared for war. 

The senate and nobility of Rome, and pride and 
strength of Italy sided with Pompey. Cesar relied 
wholly on those veteran legions, with whom he had 
subdued the fierce and martial tribes of Gaul and 
Germany. No other civil war ever equalled this. 
It was a melancholy sight to see Rorne given up to 
tyranny and blood — to see that august and venerable 
republic forever abandoned to her evil genius. These 
were not the feeble bickerings of petty controversy. 
Marius and Sylla, the leaders of the former civil 
broils, bore little comparison with Cesar at the head 
of his legions, or with the great Pompey, who could 
almost raise armies out of the earth by the stamp of 
his foot. 

This eventful struggle was at length closed by the 
battle of Pharsalia, rendered truly famous by the 
grand object, for which they fought, the greatness of 
the force employed on either side, and by the trans- 
cendent reputation of both commanders. The Ro- 
man empire was the prize ; and both the armies and 
the generals were the best the world could afford. 
Pompey was utterly defeated ; and many of his 
army, won over by the magnanimous clemency and 
generosity of Cesar, were content to change sides. 
The conduct of Pompey in this battle, which was to 
decide his fate, has ever been considered as strange 
and unaccountable. So far was he from displaying 
that courage, intrepidity and fortitude and those 
powers of command, which he was supposed to pos- 
sess, that, from the very first onset, he appeared like 
a man frightened out of his senses ; he scarcely at- 
tempted to rally his men, was among the foremost 
that fled, and never made another effort to retrieve 
his cause. From facts so glaring; we are almost in- 



ROME. 197 

duced to believe, that much of Pompey's greatness, 
as a soldier and commander, consisted in the ele- 
gant drawings of Cicero, and other partial writers. 
The true test of bravery, skill and fortitude, is to see 
them displayed, where they are most necessary — to 
see them shine in danger, surmount difficulty, and 
triumph over adversity. 

Yet no one can doubt that Pompey was a man of 
great and splendid talents. But who could equal 
Cesar ? a man supereminent in the whole extensive 
range of intellectual endow^ments. Nature seemed to 
scant him in nothing. Among philosophers, math- 
ematicians, poets and orators, he could shine. He 
could plan and execute ; he could negotiate or fight ; 
he could gain and improve an advantage. For seven 
years in his Gallic wars, his life was a continual series 
of fatigues and dear bought victories ; and no general, 
but one as great as Cesar, could have encountered 
him without apprehension and dismay. 

The battle of Pharsalia was fought 48 years before 
Christ, and 705 from the building of the city. Pom- 
pey fled an unhappy exile into Egypt and was there 
miserably murdered by the command of Ptolemy. 
Thus the reins of government fell into the hands of 
Cesar; and he was left undisputed master of the 
world. The clemency of Cesar, on this occasion, 
was as illustrious, as his victories had been. He 
entered into no measures against many persons, who, 
under professions of neutrality, had evidently sided 
with Pompey. He did nothing, which bore any 
resemblance to the horrid proscriptions of Marius 
and Sylla. Pie endeavored, in most instances, to 
forget and forgive. 

But the reign and triumph of Julius Cesar were 
short. He soon fell a sacrifice to that spirit of free- 
dom and independence, which had raised his country 
to her exalted rank ; for though the demons of dis- 
cord, ambition and party rage, had now for a long 
period, aimed all their shafts at good and virtuous 
17* 



198 ROME. 

men ; though torrents of the richest blood had flowed 
incessantly for many years ; yet some men were 
still left, whose constancy and virtue ever stemmed 
the strong current of the times. Cato and Cicero 
were still alive, whose stern virtues and commanding 
eloquence continued to remind the Romans of their 
better days. 

From the battle of Pharsalia to the death of Cesar, 
was four years. During this period, he went on and 
prospered. By a rapid series of journeys and ex- 
peditions, he saw, awed and subjugated all places 
and all opposition. His arm pervaded, his vigilance 
detected, his spirit animated, his generosity won, and 
his power crushed, in all directions. His great and 
active genius seemed universally to bear down all 
before him ; but in reality, not all. At length a plot 
was laid, as it were in his own bosom, which hurled 
him in a moment from the high summit, whither he 
had climbed. 

Brutus and Cassius, at the head of about sixty 
senators, entered into a conspiracy to take him oflf 
by assassination. Their object was to arrest the pro- 
gress of despotic power, to restore the authority of the 
senate, and the ancient forms of the republic ; an ob- 
ject laudable in itself, but, alas, how far from being 
practicable ! Their plot was deeply laid, but seems 
to have been carried into effect not without a won- 
derful concurrence of accident, or rather of provi- 
dence. While Cesar was on his way to the senate- 
house, where he was to perish, a slave, it is said, who 
had discovered the conspiracy, pressed forward in 
the crowd to apprise him of his danger, but could not 
get to him for the press. Another person* put into 
his hands a paper, which would have saved him, 
containing an account of the conspiracy. This he 
handed to his secretary, without breaking the seal. 
After he was seated in the senate-house, the conspi- 
ifUors approached and despatched him with their 
* Artenidoru3, a Greek Philosopher, 



ROME. 199 

daggers, without resistance, and retired to the capi- 
lol, where they put themselves in a state of defence. 

Thus fell the first and doubtless the greatest of the 
Cesars, in the 56th year of his age, and in the 4th of 
his sole adnninistration. No Roman ever achieved 
more arduous enterprizes, than he. He rose to su- 
preme power, in opposition to men of great abilities 
and of much greater resources than himself. What- 
ever standing he acquired, he maintained ; and his 
enemies could only destroy him by treachery under 
the mask of friendship. Rome did not owe to Cesar 
the loss of her liberties; they were lost before he 
was born. He was allured to seize the dazzhng 
prize, which to all observers^ had evidently become 
the sport of fortune, and was liable to be grasped by 
him, who was boldest and most lucky. Had Pompey 
prevailed over Cesar, it is highly doubtful, whether 
Rome woVild have experienced a happier destiny. 

The fall of Cesar seemed only to accelerate the 
establishment of imperial government, Octavius, 
the grand nephew of Cesar, and heir, by^ will, to his 
fortunes and name, was soon at the head of a new 
triumvirate, viz. himself, Mark Antony and Lepidus. 
This new triumvirate, proclaiming themselves the 
avengers of Cesar, now hastened to make war upon 
the conspirators, whose army was headed by Brutus 
and Cassius. Had the Roman people desired their 
ancient liberty, which they certainly would, had they 
understood the import of the word, or had they en- 
tertained any just notions of freedom, they now en- 
joyed an opportunity of regaining it : but so far 
from that, the triumvirate were able to excite the 
popular indignation against the conspirators, and in 
fact, gained the people over to their cause. The 
standard of liberty was deserted, and the wretched 
infatuated people were now employed in rivetting 
those chains, which were never more to be broken. 

The conspirators were crushed with little trouble ; 
and in shedding the blood of the last patriots of 



200 ROME. 

Rome, the sublime Cicero fell a victim to the merci- 
less rage of Antony, and the base and cruel policy of 
Octavius. 

It soon appeared that the triumvirs had combined 
with no other view, than as a present expedient, 
which was to be laid aside when occasion should of- 
fer. Accordingly Lepidus was soon rejected ; and 
as he was neither a soldier nor a statesman, he had 
no means of redress. Antony and Octavius presently 
differed, and once more marshalled the forces of that 
mighty people under their hostile standards. Their 
quarrel was decided at the battle of Actium ; a short 
time after which, Antony expired in Egypt, and left 
Octavius without a competitor. 

In the 30th year before Christ, and 724th from the 
building of Rome, commenced the imperial reign of 
Octavius, under the titles of Emperor and Augustus. 
Rome now became an empire in the more strict and 
proper sense of the word ; and notwithstanding the 
degeneracy of the Roman people, it continued for 
several centuries to be the most powerful empire in 
the ancient world. 

The commotions and wars, the luxury and wealth, 
the corruptions and loss of public virtue among the 
Romans, did not extinguish, but rather called forth 
and perfected, their genius for literature. The 
sciences were assiduously cultivated ; and men of 
learning received the warmest patronage and the 
amplest encouragement from those great and opulent 
men, whose wealth was immense, and whose traffic 
was in states and kingdoms. Indeed, many of those 
great men were themselves the favorites of the 
muses. 

They studied the liberal sciences and elegant arts 
with a diligence scarcely known in modern times. 
Scipio Africanus, according to the testimony of Cice- 
ro, was as eminent for mental improvement, as he 
was in the art of war. Cato was a man of great 
learning and wisdom : and those great men who 



ROME. 201 

composed the two triumvirates, especially the first, 
were highly accomplished in the liberal sciences. 

When we consider that Cicero was a professional 
man ; that for a course of years, many of the most 
important causes in the vast republic were ably 
managed by him ; that he was a statesman and a 
great leader in the politics of his times ; that he was, 
at times, a civil magistrate, a soldier and a governor, 
and patron of provinces, we may truly be astonished 
at the extent and success of his studies. His volu- 
minous writings, which have come down to us, and 
which form the most perfect standard of classic ex- 
cellence, leave us in doubt which to set foremost, 
the strength of his understanding, or the powers of 
his imagination ; or which we shall admire most, his 
genius or industry. It is no partial admiration, by 
which those writings are preserved. The united 
voice of all enlightened nations has declared their 
merit and judged them worthy of immortality. 

The same may be said of the writings of Virgil 
and Horace and many others. But the approbation 
of men of taste and learning, in all nations, has set 
the literary productions of the Augustan age above 
ali panegyric. They will be read and admired as 
long as works of genius and taste are held in esti- 
mation. 

The Roman empire now appeared in its utmost 
splendor. Though less virtuous and happy, and 
probably less powerful, than in former periods, yet 
the concentrated wealth of the world, the external 
pomp of so vast a monarchy, threw round her a daz- 
zling glory, which the most distant nations beheld 
with admiration and dread. Ambassadors from re- 
mote kingdoms daily arrived to do homage, to court 
alliance, or solicit protection. 

Augustus held the reins of government : there was 
Eo competitor — no rival. The people, long fatigued 
with war, were glad to enjoy peace, though under 
the reign of a despot. There was no Brutus nor 



202 ROME. 

Cassius to conspire or to assassinate. Cato was no 
more; and Cicero, one of the last luminaries of 
Rome, had been murdered, and his head and hands 
cut off and fixed upon the tribunal, where the thun- 
ders of his eloquence had so often struck terror to 
the hearts of tyrants. The spirit, which animated 
the Romans in the days of Fabricius, was gone for- 
ever. Liberty had taken her flight from the earth, 
or had retired to the sequestered bower of the sav- 
age, while gorgeous pride lifted her head to heaven, 
and trampled on innocence, equity and law. 

Augustus was an artful, insidious tyrant. While 
one of the triumvirate, he had been careful to des- 
troy all the virtuous men, who had escaped the bloody 
proscriptions, the civil wars, and the violent commo- 
tions, which were before his time. When his power 
was confirmed, he endeavoured to fascinate the peo- 
ple; to lull them into security; to inebriate them 
with luxury; to dazzle them with his pomp and glo- 
ry ; and by all possible means to extinguish in them 
the true Roman spirit, and so to qualify and sweeten 
slavery itself, as to cause them to drink it down with 
a pleasing relish. He succeeded : for never was a 
people more changed in temper, habit, mode of 
thinking and national character. 

But detraction itself cannot deny, that Augustus 
was a general, a statesman, and a very great man. 
Though void of the magnanimous spirit of Cincinna- 
tus, Brutus, and Regulus, yet he affected to rever 
the character of the ancient Romans, and seemed de- 
sirous that a sem.blance of freedom should still mark 
the character of his country^men. When he saw 
himself in the undisturbed possession of empire, the 
severities of his administration relaxed; and he held 
the reins of government with lenity^, dignity and 
wisdom. Few monarchs have enjoyed a longer or 
more prosperous reign. His genius was less war- 
like, than that of Julius Cesar ; yet in the course of 
bis reign, he had various opportunities of showing 

% 



ROME. 203 

himself capable of commanding armies and of di- 
recting very extensive military operations. But his 
greatness was of the tranquil and pacific kind, and 
he shewed little ambition to enlarge his dominions. 

The reign of Augustus was active, energetic and 
long. It was his boast, that he found Rome built of 
brick ; but that he left it built of marble. 

In the 30th* year of the reign of Augustus, Jesus 
Christ, the Son o\ God, was born. The principal na- 
tions of the known world being reduced under one 
head, and wars and commotions, revolving through 
long tracts of time, now terminating in one immense 
dominion, the troubled elements of human society 
sunk into a universal calm. Thirst for conquest was 
satiated with blood ; the ambition of one was grati- 
fied, while that of millions was left without hope. 
The spirit of war, wearied with universal and almost 
perpetual carnage, seemed willing to enjoy a mo- 
ment's slumber, or was hushed to silence by the ad- 
vent of the Prince of peace. 

Jesus Christ was the son of David, the son of 
Abraham. The house of Jacob seems to have been 
preserved in order to give birth to this wonderful 
personage. Abraham was born 1996 years before 
Christ, and was the ninth in direct descent from 
Noah, who is commonly reckoned the tenth gene- 
ration from Adam. Abraham flourished about the 

* It is in the highest degree probable, that Christ was born 
four years sooner, than the date generally assigned ; and there- 
fore, that he was born in the 26th year of Augustus. T.'iis is the 
general opinion of the learned. It is, therefore, supposed, that 
in A. D. ], according to the vulgar era, Jesus was really four 
years old. This mistake with regard to the true time of our Sa- 
viour"'s incarnation, arose from the circumstance, that the (Chris- 
tian era was not used in chronology till A. D. 527 or 532. In 
that year, it was adopted by Dionysius the Little, who appears 
to have made a mistake of four years in his calculation, which 
was not discovered, till more than 600 years afterwards, when it 
would have been extremely difficult, if not impossible, to change 
the vulgar era for the true one. Besides, the learned are not 
universally agreed with regard to the year of the incarnationi 
whether it was 4 or 2 years, before the vulgar era. — Ed. 



204 ROME. 

time of Xerxes or Baloeus, king of Assyria, and about 
200 years before ^gialius founded the oldest of the 
states of Greece. Jacob the grandson of Abraham, 
removed his family, consisting of about 60 persons, 
and his ciTects, into Egypt, where his posterity re- 
mained and increased astonishingly, for more than 
two centuries. 

Moses, the Hebrew general and lawgiver, led the 
Israelites out of Egypt soon after the reign of Sesos- 
tris, or in the reign of Pharaoh Amenophis, who was 
drowned in the Red Sea. The Israelites settled in 
Canaan about the time of the foundation of the first 
states of Greece, and about the time of the founda- 
tion of Carthage, as already stated. Eleven centu- 
ries before the birth of Christ, the form of the He- 
brew government was changed from a kind of aris- 
tocratical republic, or, as it is frequently called by 
theological writers, a theocracy, to an absolute mo- 
narchy ; and Saul was elevated to the throne. 

In the year 975 before Christ, the ten tribes re- 
volted from the house of David, and set up a separate 
kingdom, which continued 254 years and was then 
subdued, and carried into captivity, by Shalmanazer, 
king of Assyria, before Christ 721. The kingdom of 
Judah was governed by the house of David till the 
year before Christ 588, making, from the accession 
of Saul, 507 years; when Nebuchadnezzar, king of 
Babylon, invaded and conquered Judea, and carried 
the Jews to Babylon ; where they remained 70 
years. 

In the first year of the reign of Cyrus, king of Per- 
sia, 536 years before Christ, the Jews, by a royal 
edict from the Persian monarch, were liberated and 
sent home to their own land. They were under a 
nominal subjection to Persia, till that kingdom was 
overturned by Alexander. They then fell to the 
Syrian empire, and suffered much from the tyranny 
and impositions of the dynasty of Antiochus, till the 
Syrians failed before the power of Rome. They 



B.OM;E. ^05 

were frequently visited by the Greek and Roman 
generals; but their existence, together with their 
temple and worship, were prolonged till 70 years 
after Christ, when Titus Vespasian destroyed Jeru- 
salem, together with upwards of a million of the 
Jews. The remnant of them were scattcEed into all 
nations ; and what is remarkable in their history, 
they still exist, after 18 centuries, and are distinct 
from all other nations, persevering in the religion of 
their ancestors. 

God had promised to Abraham, that in his seed, all 
nations should be blessed. This glorious promise be- 
gan to be verified, when God by his marvellous inter- 
position, redeemed the house of Israel out of Egypt, 
and gave them an exhibition of his character, in a 
code of laws, which comprised a perfect standard of 
moral rectitudco But it was more amply verified, 
when the Son of God appeared in the world, and, by 
his life and doctrines, and death and resurrection, 
fulfilled the predictions and illuminated the shadows 
of the Mosaic dispensation, and opened the way 
for the promulgation of the gospel through the 
world. 

That Jesus Christ was a divine person, sent of God 
to enlighten and redeena the world, seems to rest on 
two important pillars of evidence, either of which 
would be sufficient to give it independent support. 
These are, 1st, credible testimony; and 2d, the 
superior excellency of that religion, which he taught 
and practised. The truths of the gospel rest on the 
fullest testimony, and of that character and kind 
which mankind have never questioned ; and as to 
the excellency of the religion of Jesus Christ, let 
unbelievers deny it if they can, or if they dare. If 
they dare pretend, that justice, integrity, benevo- 
lence and virtue, are unlovely, and ought not to be 
practised by men, or if they can deny, that these, 
and these only, are what the gospel requires, then 
they can also deny, that the gospel holds up a per- 
18 



206 KOME. 

feet rule of life, and then may they pretend, that it 
ought not to be practised by men. 

The testimony, on which the Christian religion 
chiefly relies, respects and substantiates the following 
things : 

1. The genealogy or true descent of Christ from 
David ; 

2. The life and character of Christ ; 

3. His doctrines ; 

4. His miracles; 

5. His resurrection. To all these things, there is 
the most full and perfect testimony. 

The excellency of the Christian religion appears 
in the following articles : 

1 . The character of God ; 

2. The character of man ; 

3. What God requires of man ; (Thus far the gos- 
pel fully establishes the law of Moses. But it goes 
farther.) 

4. The method of pardon, through the atonement 
of Christ ; 

5. The constitution and character of Christ's 
church ; 

6. The resurrection of the dead ; 

7. The rewards and punishments of a future state. 
In general, it may be said, that the gospel requires 

nothing of mankind, but what is for their good ; and 
it forbids nothing, but what is injurious. A man con- 
forming to all the requirements of Christianity would 
be perfect ; he would be without a fault. Whatever, 
therefore, may have been the origin of the scheme, 
nothing more, nothing better could be looked for, in 
one, which was known to be divine. Those, who 
would wish to pursue these inquiries, and examine 
duly a subject of such vast importance, are recom- 
mended to read Paley's " Evidence of Christianity." 
The reign of Augustus, if we include his twelve 
years with the triumvirate, was 66 years. No em- 
peror of Rome displayed greater penetration, or 



ROME. 207 

more extensive and profound policy : and few men 
could have succeeded so far in undermining and 
abolishing the power of the senate, and in changing 
the nature, yet preserving the forms, of the ancient 
government. The central point of all his movements 
and aims, was to extinguish the repuhlican spirit, and 
to render monarchy strong and permanent : and this 
he did so effectually, that the Romans, ever after, 
tamely submitted to slavery, and, for the most part, 
under the fangs of a set of infamous monsters, as no- 
torious for weakness and folly, as for pride and 
cruelty. 

It would be useless, in this compend, to mention 
particularly the lives and characters of the immedi- 
ate successors of Augustus. In the most important 
respects, they are alike ; only that each one, accord- 
ing to his time and talents, generally improved upon 
the vices and villanies of his predecessors. 

Tiberius, the son-in-law and successor of Augustus, 
reigned 23 years. An elegant historian has said, tiiat 
he was " a monster of prefidy, ingratitude and cruel- 
ty." To him succeeded Caius Caligula, who reigned 
only four years, and " whose life," says the same au- 
thor, " was a continued scene of debauchery, much 
worse than that of his predecessor." Caligula was 
succeeded by Claudius, his uncle, who was little bet- 
ter than an enfeebled, inconsistent, vicious idiot; at 
first promising to do well, but speedily falling into 
every outrage and atrocity. He reigned 14 years. 

Nero was the first of the emperors, under whose 
administration the empire was generally dishonored, 
and the Roman name treated with ignominy and con- 
tempt. Had it not been for the conduct, pursued by 
some of his successors, it might have been thought, 
that nothing could equal his folly and madness, or the 
astonishing crimes, he perpetrated against humanity, 
reason and nature. Almost every act of the life of 
Nero was an outrageous, horrid crime. He murder- 
ed many of the noblest citizens of Rome ; among 



208 ROME. 

whom, the celebrated Seneca fell a sacrifice, and 
several other philosophers and writers of great dis- 
tinction. He murdered his wife and his nDother, and 
set fire to the city of Rome, and while it was burn- 
ing, dressing himself in the garb of a player, he re- 
cited some verses on the de'struction of Troy. 

Nero proceeded to such lengths, as at last to be- 
come an object of terror and detestation to mankind. 
The senate declared him an enemy to his country ; 
the army revolted ; and people of every description 
combined to crush a detestable wretch, whorft the 
tarth could no longer bear. Nero reigned almost 
14 years ; and in him the family of Augustus became 
extinct, 55 years after the death of that emperor. 

Galba, Otho and Vitellius rose, one after another, 
and fell in quick succession, all disappearing in the 
short space of eighteen months. They assumed the 
imperial purple, only to disgrace the throne, to give 
innumerable wounds to the empire, and to attach 
perpetual infamy to their memory. 

If we except the horrors of the cruel reign of Do- 
mitian, the younger brother of Titus, Rome was now 
favored with seven monarchs in succession, whose 
virtues adorned the throne, and whose energy and 
wisdom restored and invigorated the empire. 

Vespasian succeeded Vitellius in the 70th year of 
the Christian era; and, in a prosperous reign of nine 
years, restored the Roman name to its ancient splen- 
dor. He recovered several provinces, repelled all 
invasions, restored order, harmony and military 
discipline, and, in fact, extended the bounds of the 
empire. Titus, his son and successor, was a prince 
of great virtue. His excellent endowments and ele- 
gant accomplishments rendered him exceedingly 
dear to his subjects. In his reign, Jerusalem was 
destroyed.* This prince, in a short reign of two 

* Jerusalem was taken and destroyed by Titus, during the reign 
©f his father Vespasian, several years before he began to reigQ 
kimself, — Ep. 



ROME. 209^, 

years, displayed a degree of wisdom, moderation and 
self-command, which perhaps no Roman emperor 
ever attained to before or since his time. The hap- 
piness of his people was regarded by him as the 
greatest glory of his reign. During this reign, hap- 
pened that eruption of mount Vesuvius, in which 
Pliny, the celebrated philosopher, was destroyed. 

Titus was succeeded by Domitian, his younger 
brother, whose vices and cruelties were surpassed by 
none of his predecessors. After him, followed five 
princes in succession, whose names will ever adorn 
the history of Rome. They were Nerva, Trajan, 
Adrian, Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius Antoni- 
nus. These great men swayed the sceptre for about 
80 years. They did whatever could be expected 
from the greatest of men and of princes, in rendering 
the administration just, energetic, and wise, and in 
making their subjects happy. But if the Roman peo- 
ple, even in the times of Augustus, had fallen from 
their ancient glory and virtue, if they had lost that 
greatness and independence of mind, which raised 
the republic to conquest and renown, what now must 
have been their state, after being prostrated, and de- 
graded for a century by the worst of governments ! 



CHAPTER XVII. 

GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE ROMAN HISTORY, PROM 
THE ACCESSION OF AUGUSTUS TO THE DEATH OF MAR- 
CUS AURELIUS. 

IN our commencement of the Roman history, it 
was observed, that a formal abridgment would scarce- 
ly be deemed necessary, on account of its being much 
better understood, than any other ancient history; 
and especially, as Dr. Goldsmith's abridgment is 
spread through this country, and the very thing, in 
i8* 



210 laoMfi. 

all respects, which the young reader ought to take in 
hand. We have therefore glanced rapidly over it, 
wholly omitting to mention the times and revolutions 
before Romulus, as generally fictitious, touching 
slightly on the reign of the kings for 245 years^ — over 
a single city, or a territory not larger than a town- 
ship, as being scarcely worthy to fill up the lucubra- 
tions of a folio ; much less to go into a compend, 
where a few principal events only can be noticed. 
And, to give the reader a just impression of that 
part of this history, which is best known and most 
important, it has been thought, that some general 
observations, directing the mind to a comprehensive 
view of a whole period, would answer a better pur- 
pose, than a dry skeleton of names, begirt only with 
vices and enormities. 

The period now before us contains about 210 
years, viz. from the accession of Augustus, to that of 
Commodus. Concerning this period, we shall note 
a few things : and 

1. The Roman empire, during this period, con- 
tained the middle and southern parts of Europe, the 
northern parts of Africa, and the western parts of 
Asia. In the directions and advice of Augustus to 
his successor, it was warmly recommended, that the 
empire should not be enlarged. Accordingly, the 
weak and efifeminate emperors had no inclination nor 
ability to do it ; and the valiant and warlike gener- 
ally found business enough in defending what they 
already had ; while the wise and prudent were sen- 
sibly impressed with the propriety of the advice of 
Augustus. The empire was, indeed, of vast extent ; 
and, if we cast our eyes upon a map, we shall directly 
see, that it comprehended, as an elegant historian 
remarks, " the fairest part of the earth, and the most 
civilized portion of mankind."* 
* Gibbon.* 
* Though Gibbon has some excellences besides his " elegance," 
the young reader must be cautious not to imbibe his stiffness, his 
jactation, and especially, his obscurity.— Ed. 



ROME. 2 It 

During this period, however, very considerable ad- 
ditions were made to the empire, and 1 believe, more 
or less, in the three quarters of the globe. In Europe, 
the Gallic and German provinces were enlarged, the 
island of Great Britan was subdued, and several 
large countries on this side and beyond the Danube, 
as Illyricum, Dacia, Pannonia, &;c. The emperor 
Trajan, in order to prosecute the war with the Da- 
cians, erected a stupendous bridge across the Danube; 
the ruins of which remain to this day, and afford a 
sublime specimen of ancient architecture. 

2. The cruelly, depravity, folly and enormous 
vices of the emperors generally, form a striking fea- 
ture in this period. They seem to have been utterly- 
lost to all sense of justice, honor and duty. Had 
they followed the examples of Julius or Augustus 
Cesar, the Romans would scarcely have had reason 
to regret the establishment of a form of government, 
which rescued them from deplorable wars and wast- 
ing revolutions, urged on by the rage of various pow- 
erful parties, succeeding one another. Indeed it is 
surprising, that the illustrious examples of those great 
men should be deserted immediately, and so soon for- 
gotten ; and it can be accounted for in no other way, 
than by supposing, that the reins of government fell 
into the weakest and vilest of hands. When we con- 
sider the advantages, the first emperors of Rome pos- 
sessed, it can scarcely be doubted, that many of theni 
were the lowest, the most detestable and abandoned 
villains, that ever swayed a sceptre. The kings of 
the Ottoman Turks, though barbarous and bloody 
tyrants, were almost without a stain, in comparison 
with those " harpy-footed furies."* The Henries 
and Edwards of England, the Louises of France, the 
Russian, the Gothic and Chinese monarchs, were 
sages, philosophers, philanthropists and saints, in 
comparison with them : nor can we read the history 

* The harpies were fabulous monsters, that polluted and spoiki 
>vhatever thej touched.— Ed. , 



212 ROME. 

of Rome without wondering, how it was possible for 
that once powerful and magnanimous people, to be so 
sunk and depraved, as to endure the tyranny of such 
monsters, instead of hurling them with indignant 
scorn, from the throne they so deeply disgraced. 

3. If the fate of Poland, in our own times, stands 
as a beacon, exhibiting to the nations of the earth, a 
dreadful testimony of the effects of bad government; 
we may certainly derive a still stronger testimony 
from this period of the Roman history. The wars of 
Marius and Sylla, of Cesar and Porppey, and of Au- 
gustus and Antony, had demonstrated the power of 
individuals to enslave the state. Those wars had 
almost exterminated the ancient Romans; had ex- 
tinguished almost all the great and eminent families, 
and quite all the great men, who dared to speak and 
act like Romans. At the same time, an immense 
multitude of foreigners from all parts of the world, 
poured into Rome; and the army, which always 
governed Roaie, was composed of a mercenary rapa- 
cious crew, as void of public spirit, as of ail sense of 
justice and honor. An empire, governed by a prince 
as profligate and abandoned, as weak and ignorant, 
and who was merely the tool of a mutinous, ill-disci- 
plined and vicious soldiery, must certainly experi- 
ence the worst of governments; and must feel their 
worst effects. Accordingly, the lustre of Rome fad- 
ed ; her power decayed ; her virtue and happiness 
were forever lost ; and she was abandoned to every 
evil and calamity. 

From various internal causes, the strength of the 
Roman empire declined greatly, during the two first 
centuries of the Christian era. She was not only 
absolutely but comparatively weaker. Many of the 
Asiatic provinces seemed only to observe a nominal 
subjection ; and the Parthians, especially in that 
quarter, gained strength, rose and triumphed,* and 
set Rome at defiance. The nations of Gaul and 
Germany grew strong, and often shewed signs of re» 



ROME. 213' 

volt, and even indications, that they were one day 
to trample upon the ashes of their conquerors. 

4. The Romans soon gave melancholy proofs of 
the decay of learning, as well as of civility and po- 
liteness. We have spoken of the deplorable fate of 
Cicero. Augustus, under the infamous pretence of 
appeasing the resentment of Mark Antony, had mur- 
dered and mangled that great man. The crafty 
tyrant well knew, how necessary it was for him to 
silence that eloquence, which must have shaken his 
throne, and to exterminate that virtue, which must 
have thrown continual embarrassments in the way of 
his ambitious schemes. Mfficenas, the great friend 
of Virgil and Horace, still lived ; but he only lived 
as a flatterer, to form new modes of adulation, and to 
act the cringing parasite. 

In the course of the reign of the twelve Cesars, 
the Roman horizon, which bad been once illuminat- 
ed with one immense constellation of poets, orators, 
philosophers, statesmen, heroes and sages, was left 
in dreary darkness. And if we descend to the 
reign of Commodus, we shall see few lights on that 
once splendid horizon, but such as most resembled 
the horrid glare of Tartarean fires. 

" From those flames 

*' No light, but rather darkness visible 
"Serv'd only to discover sights of wo !" 

Yet the names of Seneca, Lucian, Pliny, Josephus, 
Quintilian, Tacitus, Juvenal, Plutarch, Justin and 
Galen, were scattered down this tract of time ; long 
after which Longinus flourished: and Marcus Aure- 
lius, the emperor, was a great philosopher, and an 
ornament to the republic of letters. 

.5. It will be proper in this place to notice to the 
joung reader, the nature and form of the Roman 
legion, a military establishment and grand instrument 
of the Roman power, by which Rome conquered 
and governed the world. It had been improving 
through every period of the republic, and greatly so 



214 ROME. 

by Julius Cesar, as well as by some of his succes- 
sors. 

The main strength of the legion consisted in a 
body of infantry, divided into ten cohorts and fifty- 
tive companies, which companies were more or less 
full. Each cohort was commanded by a prefect or 
tribune, and each company by a centurion. The 
first cohort, which always claimed the post of honor 
and carried the eagle, contained 1105 soldiers, the 
most approved for bravery and fidelity. The re- 
maining cohorts consisted each of 555 ; and the in- 
fantry of a legion, in its most improved state, amount- 
ed to 6,100 men. Their arms, which were uniform, 
consisted of a helmet with a lofty crest, a breast- 
plate or coat of mail, greaves on their legs, and oq 
their left arm a concave buckler, of an oval form, 
four feet in length and two and a half in breadth. 
This buckler was formed of light wood, covered with 
bull's hide, and strengthened with plates of brass. 
The pilum, a long and heavy spear, was the most 
effective of the Roman weapons. With this they 
usually conquered, it was about six feet long, and 
terminated in a triangular point of steel eighteen 
inches in length. This dreadful javelin, when 
* launched from the vigor of a Roman arm,' often 
pierced helmets, breast-plates and bucklers; nor was 
there any cavalry, that chose to venture within its 
reach. When the pilum was thrown, which was 
commonly within the distance of ten or even six 
yards, the soldier drew his sword, and closed with 
the enemy. The sword was a two edged, short, well 
tempered blade, fitted to strike or push ; the latter 
of which the Romans were instructed to prefer. 

The legion, in battle array, stood eight deep, pre- 
serving the distance of three feet between both the 
ranks and files ; so that each one had a sufficient 
space to move and wield his arms in ; and this loose 
order gave great celerity to their movements. Jt is 
remarked, perhaps justly, by Mr. Gibbon, that " tRe 



ROME. 215 

strength of the phalanx was unable to contend with 
the activity of the legion." But could the phalanx of 
Alexander have contended with the legion of Julius 
Cesar, each under the eye and animated by the spirit 
of those great commanders, a different conclusion 
perhaps might be drawn. 

A body of cavalry, consisting of ten troops or 
squadrons, was an essential appendage of each legion. 
The first troop of horse was the companion of (he 
first cohort, and consisted of 132 men. The other 
nine consisted each of 66 men, and were attached to 
the remaining nine cohorts. The cavalry of a com- 
plete legion amounted to 726 men. The ii defensive 
arms were a helmet, an oblong shield, light boots 
and a coat of mail. Their effective weapons were a 
javelin and a long broadsword. 

Thus the regular infantry and cavalry of a legion 
amounted to 6,826 men ; besides which, several light 
armed troops, called auxiliaries, were attached to it, 
which, together with all the various attendants for 
baggage, &c. swelled each legion to upwards of 
12,000 men. To every legion, was assigned ten en- 
gines of the larger size, and fifty-five of the smaller, 
for throwing large stones and heavy darts. The 
force of these engines was such, as to produce aston- 
ishing effects on walls and towers, and they are 
thought by some writers of note to have been little 
inferior in utility to cannon. 

The camp of two complete legions usually occu- 
pied an exact square of nearly 700 yards on each 
side. This spot was levelled by the pioneers, and 
the tents were then pitched in the form of regular, 
broad streets, the prastorium or general's quarters in 
the centre. The whole square was then surrounded 
by a rampart 1 2 feet high, compactly formed of wood 
and earth, and also inclosed by a ditch 12 feet broad 
and deep. When this camp was to be left, it is in- 
credible how soon the legions would be in motion. 
Their tents being struck and packed, each legionary 



216 ROME. 

loaded himself with his arms, kitchen furniture and 
provisions, sometimes for many days; and, with this 
weight, which, says Mr, Gibbon, would oppress the 
dehcacy of a modern soldier, they would march, by 
a regular step, 20 miles in six hours. 

The military discipline of the Romans was ex- 
ceedingly strict. They were accustomed to various 
athletic exercises; and their armor in running and 
leaping, was scarcely considered as an incumbrance. 
Such were some of the military arrangements of the 
Romans. In order to form some idea of their armed 
force, it may be observed, that the peace establish- 
ment of Adrian and his successors consisted of thirty 
of these formidable legions, which were usually sta- 
tioned on the banks of large rivers, and along the 
frontiers of their extensive dominions. The author 
just cited says, that under the emperors, the legions 
were more or less permanently stationed, as follows, 
viz. three legions in Britain ; sixteen on the Rhine 
and Danube, where it was early discovered, that most 
force was necessary; eight on the Euphrates ; and in 
Egypt, Africa, and Spain, a single legion was suffi- 
cient for each. Besides all these, a powerful armed 
force was always stationed in Italy, to watch over 
the safety of the capital, and of the emperor. These 
were called city cohorts and praetorian guards : and 
we shall see hereafter, that these troops were princi- 
pally instrumental in the ruin of the empire. 

6. The last thing we shall notice, as making a 
conspicuous figure in this period of Roman history, 
is the rapid spread and persecutions of Christianity, 

The Christian religion was peculiar in its origin. 
It was equally so as to the means, by which it was 
propagated in the world. The primitive Christians 
utterly disclaimed the use of arms, as a means of 
spreading their principles. They reUed on the na- 
ture of the truths and maxims they taught, on the 
purity of their lives — the meek, quiet and blameless 
conduct of their followers ; but more on the power 



ROME. 21 1 

and providence of God, for their support, prosperity, 
defence and promulgation. And in this, they were 
not disappointed ; for at the close of the second 
century after Christ, Christianity had penetrated al- 
most every part of the Roman empire. They had 
churches established in various parts of Asia and 
Africa ; in Greece, Italy, Spain, Gaul, Germany and 
Britain. 

As professed enemies to the gods of Greece and 
Rome, and as directly opposef3 to the superstition of 
the countries, in which they lived, they were general- 
ly without the protection of law, and odious to the 
reigning authorities. Under several of the emperors 
already mentioned, their sufferings were very great. 
They were subjected to every abuse, and were, in 
vast multitudes, put to death, with the most dreadful 
tortures. During Nera's bloody reign, they expe- 
rienced every species of cruelty ; and even under 
the reputedly wise and virtuous Antonines, as well as 
Trajan and Adrian, multitudes of them fell a sacri- 
fice to the merciless fury of persecution. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

BRIEF HISTORICAL VIEW OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, FROM 
THE REIGN OF COMMODUS, TO THE EXTXf^CTION OF THE 
WESTERN EMPIRE, UNDER AUGUSTULUS ; CONTAINING A 
PERIOD OF TWO HUNDRED AND EIGHTY-THREE YEARS. 

WE have now passed the fortunate and happy 
periods of the Roman empire. In the subsequent part 
of the history of this great people, there is hi tie 
«lse to contemplate, but the most deadly disorders, 
the most agonizing struggles, and the deepest and 
most ostensible decay. But an empire containing 
a hundred and twenty millions of people, founded 
in power, wealth and policy, strengthened by every 
atixili^ry of human greatness, triumphing over all 
19 



218 ROME. 

enemies, and elevated almost beyond ihe reach of 
invasion, could only perish by the gradual progress 
of internal disorder. The misfortunes of Rome 
sprung from her own bosom ; and>,it can scarcely 
be said, that she had enemies, till she had formed 
and trained them to the arts of war. 

In the ISOth year of the Christian era, Commodus 
ascended the throne. No reign was ever more in- 
auspicious than his; nor is the memory of any prince 
more deeply covered with infamy. He formed a 
perfect contrast to the virtues of his illustrious father, 
Marcus Aurelius. It would be impossible in this 
compend, to draw a character more black, detestable 
and depraved, than that of Commodus. A detail of 
his vices would occupy more pages, than we can 
allow to the whole period, which is to be the subject 
of this chapter. We can say little more, than that, 
during his reign, the administration of government 
was totally abandoned ; and the numerous props of a 
falling empire, which had existed a century before 
this, were now no more. At the seat of government, 
there was nothing but luxury, riot and murder. In 
the provinces, extreme disorder, rapacity, misery 
and revolt prevailed. On the frontiers, the burning 
of cities and the blood of thousands marked the foot- 
steps of invasion. In Italy, disaffection, conspiracy, 
jealousy, terror, detestation, revenge, fury and despair, 
surrounded the throne — filled the capital — inspired 
every heart, and painted destruction in every face. 
In the army, there was licentiousness, outrage, mu- 
tiny and desertion. The soldiers, in multitudes, for- 
sook their standards, and in nuraberless.and fierce 
banditti, infested the highways. The redress of 
wrongs and the recovery of rights expired with civil 
• justice; and while the empire felt those strong but 
vain struggles, which weref occasioned by the reaction 
of her natural force, her union, power and military 
reputation vanished, and left her an immense chaos 
of discordant principles. 



ROME. 219 

An illustrious parentage gave high expectations of 
Commodus ; but his conduct soon banished all hopes. 
He exhibited cruelties, at which even Nero would 
have shuddered ; and he was more effeminate than 
Sardanapalus. It seems a pity, for the honor of 
humanity, that the name of so infamous a monster 
should have been preserved. His feeble and licen- 
tious reign produced calamities to his country, after 
his vices had destroyed him, and he was no more. 
He was no sooner taken off by a conspiracy, conduct- 
ed by his favorite mistress, than the choice of the 
army and senate clothed with the imperial purple, 
Helvetius Pertinax. He was above 60 years of age ; 
had served under the illustrious Antonines; and was 
always noted equally for bravery and wisdom. He 
had risen from a private soldier, through all the 
grades of military honor to that of pretorian prefect. 
With modesty and reluctance, he assumed the diadem, 
which he was destined to wear, and to grace, only 
long enough to demonstrate his merit, and to enrol 
his name among the most excellent of the Roman 
emperors. 

If the degenerate Romans discovered their mis- 
take, in elevating to the throne, a man whose admin- 
istration was utterly repugnant to their wishes, he 
much sooner discovered his, in thinking it possible to 
renovate the empire, now going rapidly into an irre- 
coverable decline. The Roman armies, which under 
the Scipios, had subdued Africa and Asia, which un- 
der Cesar had extended the empire beyond the 
Danube, and which under Trajan, had conquered be- 
yond the Euphrates, were now the scorn and ridicule 
of the barbarians. Through a total want of disci- 
pline, all subordination was lost — all military spirit} 
nothing remained but discord, sedition and outrage. 
Pertinax commenced an administration, vigorous, sys- 
tematic and comprehensive. The empire, through- 
out her wide regions, felt his power, and saw and 
i-evered the equity, which marked all his movement&v 



220 ROME. 

It was soon perceived, that Pertinax would aim to 
suppress thos^ irregularities, and restore the disci- 
pline of the arnfiy to its ancient severity ; that he 
would revive the institutions of civil justice; and re^ 
trieve the fallen dignity of the Roman nanne. But 
alas ! his noble intentions and excellent schemes 
could not be eflectuated by mortal prowess ; the na- 
tion was too far gone — too deeply sunk in vice and 
luxury. The palace, the court, and the capital were 
filled and surrounded with a swarm of execrable vil- 
lains, whom the vices of Commodus had rendered 
necessary, whom his weakness had emboldened, and 
the corruption of the times had furnished in abun- 
dance. His first care was to displace these, to exalt 
men to power who were worthy to rule, and to re- 
strain and punish the insolence of the pretorian guards. 

He had just entered on UjIs snlutiry but arduous 
work, when he was informed, one day, that a mutiny 
was raisir>g in the army. He had only time to walk 
to the gate of his palace, when he perceived a large 
body of soldiers rapidly advancing with angry clamors 
and menacing imprecations. As they drew near, he 
stood his ground, and with a firm dignity demanded 
their business. Without making any reply, a Scy- 
thian soldier struck him dead at a blow. His head 
was severed from his body, and carried on a pole to 
the camp ; where, immediately after, the empire was 
offered at public sale to the highest bidder. It was 
bid off by a sordid wretch, who assumed the purple, 
tut who in a few days, suffered all the severities of 
the fate of Pertinax, without any of the pity and re- 
gret, which will follow the memory of that great 
man to the latest posterity. 

It is matter of regret, that so little is known of 
Pertinax, that so few circumstances have escaped 
oblivion, which would more clearly elucidate his pri- 
vate character ; and especially, that so short a time 
was allowed him of displaying the energy of com- 
mand, the wisdom of legislation and the greatness of 



ROME. 22f 

man. Historians, however, unite in allowing him to 
rank with the most worthy men, who ever governed 
Rome. His energy was guided by justice ; his au- 
thority was tempered with sweetness ; and all his 
supereminent qualities combined to form a character 
truly great and amiable. 

Were it safe, however, at this distance of time, 
one might conjecture, that he was too severe and 
hasty in his first essays at reformation. Had he, by 
some politic and impenetrable movement, contrived, 
to separate, and remove to a distance, his licentious 
soldiery, till he could have levied and disciplined an 
army to his mind, perhaps he might have enjoyed a 
longer and more fortunate reign. But what power 
can renovate a nation totally effeminate and corrupt ! 
Pertinax, by his abilities and address, ascended from 
the lowest to the highest rank among men. His re- 
verses were so numerous, great and sudden, that his- 
torians have given him the peculiar appellation of 
the tennis ball of fortune. 

From the death of Pertinax till that of Augustulus, 
the last of the Roman emperors of the West, was 
282 years, during which time, no less than fiftyri'ix 
emperors swayed the sceptre in succession. Their 
names may be seen in the tables subjoined : and for 
an account of their vices, (for little more is record- 
ed of them,) the reader must be referred to the his- 
tory of the decline of the Roman empire : on which 
part of history, Gibbon is the ablest and most elegant 
writer in our language. 

The artful and insidious endeavors of that writer 
to subvert Christianity, and to substitute, no one knows 
what, in its place, are obvious to every reader. Yet 
his merit as a writer, cannot be questioned ; and 
although his opposition to Christianity, betrayed him 
into many gross absurdities suited to the complexion 
of his prejudices, yet his history of the decline and 
fall of the Roman empire, is one of the noblest of his- 
torical productions. 
19* 



222 ROME. 

So much has been already said concerning the de- 
cline of the Roman empire, that the young reader 
may be surprised, when he understands, that it stood 
upwards of two centuries after this period. But that 
empire could only die a lingering death. West of it, 
lay the Atlantic ocean; south, lay Africa, which, 
since the fall of Carthage, was without power; east, 
lay Asia, dissolved in luxury, always ready to be con- 
quered, as soon as attacked, and enslaved as soon as 
invaded ; and so far from subduing Rome, that they 
were even too effeminate to maintain a form of gov- 
ernment over themselves. 

The barbarous nations, which lay north of the em- 
pire, were indeed numerous and warlike ; but they 
could not subdue the Romans, till they had learned 
of them the art of war. And the power of Rome, 
under the emperors, lay chiefly in the nothern pro- 
vinces, where it was most needed. As we have al- 
ready said, sixteen or twenty legions generally lay 
bordering upon the Rhine and Danube. The barba- 
rians, in these times, were generally poorly clothed 
and fed, and had few arms, as well as little knowledge 
of the art of war. Their invasions were like those 
of a hungry lion, whom fierce appetite impels to rush 
on the point of the spear, in order to seize his prey ; 
„and their chief difficulty was want of union. Their 
tribes were composed of warlike, fierce, impetuous 
spirits ; but they were unsettled, barbarous, roving, 
independent, and jealous of the power of their chiefs, 
as well as tenacious of the honor of their tribes. 

Yet the nations composing the Northern Hive,^ 
could not but experience a gradual improvement. 

* The northern parts of Europe and Asia are sometimes called 
the Northern Hive, from the vast swarms of barbarians, who, from 
time to time, have issued from those regions to desolate the world. 
Some have supposed these regions to have been anciently crowded 
with inhabitants. But the opinion of Robertson is much more 
rational, that those regions were anciently less populous than at 
present ; though at present, they are less populous, than otfier 
parts of the continent. — Ed. 



Their proximity to a great and enlightened people, 
with whom they were at perpetual war, their strength 
of body, their intellectual vigor, and ambition to ac- 
quire those arts which had so long rendered the Ro- 
mans invincible, must, in time, have produced their 
natural and unavoidable effects. In the barbarian 
armies and countries, there must have been a multi- 
tude of Romans. Numbers, having fled from justice, 
or induced to rove, from disgust at their own capri- 
cious and tyrannical government, would naturally 
seek an asylum in the wilds of Europe, and among a 
more free and equitable people. Numbers being 
detained there would, at length, yield to necessity, 
and voluntarily remain in a land, whither they had 
been dragged as captives, assimilating by degrees to 
its customs and habits. 

The Gauls and Germans, from the period now be- 
fore us, composed the strength of the Roman armies ; 
and great numbers of these nations, whom we shall 
indiscriminately call the Goths, and Vandals, and 
Huns, were now admitted into the Roman service, 
either as legionaries or auxiliaries. Some of them 
were promoted to the highest stations, both civil and 
military, and even wore the imperial diadem and 
purple. Many of these, either never had, or else 
lost, all attachment to Rome ; and, rejoining their 
countrymen, carried and diffused among them the 
arts of war, and advantages of disciplined valor. 

From the reign of Commodus to the extinction of 
the western empire, history presents one uniform 
scene of disorder, vice and misery. We have almost 
constantly before our eyes, a great empire going ra- 
pidly to destruction under the influence of bad gov* 
ernment. A very few of the emperors, however, 
during this dreary period, were both able statesmen 
and commanders. Had it been their fortune to have 
reigned in happier times, and over a more virtuous 
people, their administrations would have done more 
important service to mankind. But their best mrf- 



t?24 ROME. 

sures and greatest exertions, seemed only to have the 
effect of medicines given to the sick man, after his 
disease has become incurable. They might a little 
procrastinate, but could not prevent, the moment of 
dissolution. 

About the year of Christ 267, the emperor Vale- 
rian was taken prisoner by the Persians, when no 
less than nineteen persons in various parts of the 
empire assumed the imperial purple, with the titles 
of Cesar, and Augustus; and each of them endea- 
voured to support his claims and titles by the sword. 
There can be no stronger proof than this of the 
extreme wretchedness of those times. All was tu- 
mult, war, distrust, cruelty and the most sudden and 
bloody revolutions. 

But there are two circumstances in the period of 
history now before us, which merit the particular at- 
tention of the reader, viz. the establishment of the 
Christian religion throughout the empire, by means 
of the conversion of the emperor Constantino, sur- 
named the Great; and his removal of the seat of 
government from Rome to the ancient city Byzan- 
tium, which he rebuilt, and called Constantinople, or 
the City of Constaniine^ 

We have already noticed the rapid spread of the 
Christian religion. In the days of Constantine, it 
had penetrated almost every part of the empire. 
No sooner, therefore, did that prince declare in favor 
of it, than it became the religion of the court, the 
capital, and soon of the empire itself. This was 
truly an amazing change; and forms one of the most 
memorable eras in ecclesiastical history. A meek 
and humble religion unknown to the world, or if 
known, despised and persecuted, set on foot by a few- 
obscure persons in Judea, and propagated only by 
the force of rational conviction, spread and prevailed 
against all opposition ; overturned the altars and 
silenced the oracles of the heathen ; and at last, 
through hosts of prejudices fortified by antiquity;. 



ROME. , 225 

Snd sanctioned by universal custom, made its way to 
the throne of the Cesars. It was like a " stone cut 
out of a mountain without hands, becoming a great 
mountain and filling the whole earth." 

There are various accounts given, and various 
opinions formed, concerning the conversion of Con- 
stantine. Whether his mind was swayed by the 
power of truth, or by temporal, political and inter- 
ested motives, is not easy to determine. It is related 
and believed by some, that his conversion was mi- 
raculous. They say that he saw in the heavens the 
sign of the cross, with this inscription in radiant 
letters, Touto Nika^ i. e. By this conquer^ and that 
upon this, he immediately embraced Christianity. 
His life and conduct were by no means eminent for 
Christian virtue ; nor was he wholly free from 
crimes of the deepest die. 

From this period, the Christian church was loaded 
•with honor, wealth and power ; nor did her virtue 
ever sustain a severer trial. The chief dignitaries of 
the empire could scarcely do less, than imitate their 
master ; and Christianity soon became a necessary 
qualification for public office. The church now no 
longer appeared in her ancient simplicity and purity ; 
lords and princes were among her converts ; and 
she was dressed in robes of state. Her ceremonies 
were increased ; her forms of worship were loaded 
with pomp and splendor ; her doctrines were inter- 
mingled with the senseless jargon of a philosophy, 
equally absurd and vain ; and the way seemed pre- 
pared, not only for the decay of Christian doctrine 
and morality, but of every science, which distin- 
guishes civilized from savage nations. 

After various Avars and competitions, Constantine, 
in the year of Christ 320, became sole master of the 
Roman empire. He certainly did whatever could 
be done, by an accomplished general and statesman, 
toward restoring the empire to its ancient glory. 
But, alas! he did not reign over the ancient Romans. 



226 ROME. 

His people had been often defeated, hunnbled, enslav- 
ed, and trampled in the dust. The true Roman 
spirit was long since utterly extinguished ; and, as 
we have had occasion to observe, Italy itself was 
filled with a mighty heterogeneous mass of popula- 
tion, of no fixed character. His strong genius, for 
a moment, sustained, but could not ultimately save, 
the falling fabric. 

The ambition of Constantine gave a more fatal 
blow to the Roman empire, than even the vices of 
Commodus. To secure to himself a glory equal 
with that of Romulus, he formed the resolution of 
changing the seat of empire. The place, upon 
which he pitched as a new capital, and which should 
immortalize his name, was indeed well chosen. The 
ancient city of Byzantium enjoyed the finest port in 
the world, on the strait of the Thracian Bosphorus, 
which communicates with those inland seas, whose 
shores are formed by the most opulent and delight- 
ful countries of Europe and Asia. Thither Constan- 
tine caused the wealth of the empire to be conveyed ; 
and directly a new and splendid city arose, which 
was able to rival ancient Rome. That proud capi- 
tal, so long the mistress of empire, suddenly became 
but a satellite, and was forsaken of honor, wealth 
and glory ; since the emperor, and all who were de- 
voted to his interest, used every possible means to 
exalt the new seat of empire. 

This wound was deadly and incurable. It proved 
fatal not only to one city, but to the western empire. 
Rome was utterly abandoned by Constantine ; nor 
was it much alleviated under his successors, among 
whom a permanent division of the empire taking 
place, Rome and Italy fell under the government 
of a series of weak, miserable, short-lived tj^rants, 
who rose by conspiracy, and fell by murder, in rapid 
succession; till, in the 476th year of the Christian 
era, Augustulus. the last of (he Roman emperors, was 
conquered and dethroned by Odoacer, king of the 



tiEW OF THE COURSE OF EMPIRE. 227 

Heriili, who, at the head of an immense army of bar- 
barians, overrun all Italy, and put a period to the 
western empire. 

Thus ended Rome, after having stood 1229 years. 
When we consider the length of her duration, her cha- 
racter, and the nature and extent of her resources, 
we shall not hesitate to pronounce her the most 
powerful and important city, which ever existed, and 
as standing at the head of the first rank of cities. 
But if this remark is true of Rome in the times of 
which we are now speaking, it will serve to awaken 
our admiration, when we consider that Rome surviv- 
ed even this shock ; and, as though she was destined 
to bear rule, from beini]^ the head of a most powerful 
empire, she soon became the head of an ecclesiasti- 
cal institution not less powerful. She spread her 
wing over all the povvers of Europe. Tiiey trem- 
bled at her mandates. She deposed monarchs at 
her pleasure, trampled on crowns and sceptres, and, 
for ten centuries, exerted the most despotic sove- 
reignty. She is even to this day one of the finest 
cities in tlxe world. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

IpRIEF HISTORICAL VIEW OF THE COURSE OF EMPIRE, 
FROM THE FALL OF ROME TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OF 
THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE, CONTAINING A PERIOD 
OF THREE HUNDRED AND TWENTY-FOUR YEARS. 

FROM the fall of the Roman empire, a period of 
darkness ensued, equally dreadful for its length, and 
for the number and greatness of its calamities upon 
mankind. To trace the history of those times, is 
like making a progress through chaos, amidst upper, 
nether, and surrounding darkness. We will first no- 
tice the fortunes of Constantinople, commonly called 



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230 VIEW OF THE 

gloom, or to cast a partial beam of light through the 
intellectual chaos : so far from it, that those days 
were spent in destroying the noblest works of art 
and genius. A diligent search was made for the most 
valuable productions of antiquity, not to preserve and 
treasure up, but to demolish, to burn, and to destroy. 
Nor did barbarians alone pursue the work of destruc- 
tion. The superstitions of the apostate Christian 
church, in too many instances, lent their aid to that 
infernal work. 

In this cursory survey, it would be impossible to 
notice the slight shades of difference in the situation 
of the numerous provinces of the Roman empire. 
And as these times produced no historians, it would 
be arrogance to attempt to tell the reader what was 
going on, generally speaking, in the eastern parts of 
the world. We could say little more, than that the 
empire of China stood firm in its strength, having al- 
ready flourished for many ages. India and Persia 
have been subject to changes, divisions and revolu- 
tions from time immemorial, especially the former ; 
and the Greek writers are, perhaps, the only histo- 
rians, who ever wrote correctly the Persian history. 
It was but partially known before, and has been far 
less so, since the Augustan age. The North of Eu- 
rope was only known by the incredible swarms of 
barbarians, which issued from it, and overwhelmed 
the civilized world. Of the history of Arabia we 
shall soon have occasion to speak ; and concerning 
the immense interior of Asia, commonly called Tar- 
tary, the best of modern geographers are yet almost 
wholly ignorant, as also of the middle regions of 
Africa. 

The island of Great Britain has been known in 
history, since the time of its conquest by Julius Cesar. 
The Britons made a formidable resistance to his 
arms, and were never but partially conquered. When 
the Roman empire fell, that island shared in the gen- 
eral calamities. The British called over to their aid 



COURSE OF EMPIRE. 231 

the Saxons, a nation from Germany, to assist them 
against the fury of the Picts, and Scots, by whom 
they were invaded. The Saxons, led by Hengist 
and Horsa, two powerful chieftains, readily obeyed the 
call, and, according to the fashion of the a^e, came 
over in such numbers, as not only to repel the Picts 
and Scots, but to conquer and enslave the Britons 
themselves. They therefore settled in the south 
parts of the island ; and at length erected themselves 
into seven petty but independent kingdoms, common- 
ly called the Saxon Heptarchy. These were at 
length united into one government by Egbert, who, 
about the year 800, reigned over them all, and found- 
ed the English monarchy. This brings the English 
history to the close of the period, which was to be 
the subject of the present chapter. 

Arabia forms the southwest corner of Asia. It is 
a tract of country considerably more than a thousand 
miles square, and is peninsulated by the Persian Gulf 
on the east, and the Red Sea on the west. This 
great country is supposed to have been peopled origi- 
nally by the family of Ishmael, the son of Abraham. 

Of Ishmael it was foretold, that he should be an 
archer, and that his hand should be against every 
man, and every man's hand against him. This pre- 
diction seems to have been fully accomplished in bis 
posterity. The Arabs have ever been excellent 
horsemen and archers, formidable with the bow and 
lance; and they have been wild men, and have dwelt 
in the desert. A singular circumstance in their his- 
tory, is, that they have never been conquered or sub- 
jugated by any nation, although it has been attempt- 
ed successively by the Chaldeans, the Persians, the 
Romans and, in late ages, by the Turks. 

In the beginning of the seventh century, a fire 
broke out in Arabia, which for a while, threatened to 
involve in its flames all Europe and Asia. It is re- 
marked by an able historian, as a wonderful synchro- 
nism, that the very same year, in which the Roman 



232 VIEW OF THE 

pontiff was proclaimed universal bishop, Mahomet,- 
the grand impostor, forged the Alcoran in a cave at 
Mecca. The usurpations of the Romish church were 
then complete ; the beast was at his full growth, and 
was then ready to begin his reign. It would thence 
»eem probable, that the beast and the false prophet 
began, and will end, their career nearly together. 

It is matter of doubt, whether the great exploitS^ 
and astonishing elevation of some men, are to be set 
down to the account of their extraordinary natural 
endowments, or to a favorable coincidence of events 
in the world around them, Mahomet, from an ob- 
scure parentage, birth and education, rose to a height, 
and with a rapidity, almost without a parallel. From 
the occupation of a tradesman, he retired to a cave 
in Mecca, where he pretended, he had frequent inter- 
views with an angel, by whose assistance and direc- 
tion, he wrote the Koran on the plate bones of camels. 
He at length issued from the cave, and began to pub^ 
lish his mission to the people of Mecca. A storm 
was soon raised against him there, and he fled from 
Mecca to Medina, this flight the Mahometans call 
the Hegeira, and regard it as their grand epoch, as we 
do the birth of Christ. The followers of Mahomet 
soon became numerous. He subdued, or rather 
revolutionized, his native country, and, in a short 
time, all the neighboring countries. His religion 
spread with his arms, and was embraced, wherever 
he conquered. 

The Saracens, as Mahomet's followers were called, 
after his death still pursued their conquests; and, in 
a very short time, all the West of Asia, the North of 
Africa, and the South of Europe were overrun by this 
dreadful inundation-, which, if possible, was more 
bloody and exterminating, than that of the Goths and 
Vandals. A final stop, however, was put to the pro- 
gress of the Saracens in Europe by Charles Martel, 
who defeated them with great slaughter between 
Tours and Poitiers, killing, it is said, 370,000 in one 
day. This battle was fought in the year 734» 



COURSE OP EMPIRE. SSCS 

Mahomet declared himself to be the prophet of 
God, sent into the world to enlighten and reform 
mankind; and that he was clothed with greater light 
and powers, than either Moses or Christ. His doc- 
trines and morality were drawn from such sources, as 
would best suit the prejudices, and obtain currency 
among the nations whom he conquered. They were 
extracted from the Jewish and Christian scriptures, 
from oriental traditions, from legendary trash of the 
rabbies, and indeed, from the inventive genius of Ma- 
homet himself, whose knowledge of mankind enabled 
him to foresee how they might easiest be led and 
governed. He taught the unity of God, and the uni- 
versality of his providence, or rather, in the strictest 
sense, the doctrines of the Fatalist. 

His scheme of morality allowed the full indulgence 
of the passions, being exactly suited to the most de- 
praved mind ; and he so managed the affairs of a fu- 
ture state, that they could have no influence in favor 
of virtue, or in opposition to vice. 

It was not without reason, that he relied on the 
natural disposition of men for the ultimate success of 
his doctrines ; but his main arguments, for their 
propagation, were fire and sword. 

The kingdoms of Europe in general, as to their ex- 
tent and boundaries, seem to have been parcelled out 
by accident, or more properly by nature. Spain is 
marked out by oceans and mountains ; France, by 
oceans, mountains, and rivers ; Germany and Italy, 
in like manner. As early as the period under consid- 
eration, some remote vestiges may be discovered of 
the present European establishments. Early in the 
sixth century, Clovis laid the foundation of the 
French monarchy ; at which time, the rage of emi- 
gration by nations had generally subsided ; either 
because the wilds of Europe had poured forth all 
their daring spirits, or because a general repletion of 
the southern provinces had rendered a kind of reflux 
necessary. No part of Europe had oftener been 
20* 



234 VIEW OF THE 

traversed and ransacked, than France ; but as they 
found less plunder there, they generally pushed for- 
ward to other countries. The Franks at length nriade 
a settlement there, after having driven out and de- 
stroyed several Gothic nations, who had previously 
dispossessed the Romans and ancient Gauls. From 
the Franks, the country is supposed to have obtained 
the name of France. The Franks, after maintaining 
long and bloody wars with subsequent invaders for 
several ages, at length found themselves united by a 
more regular form of government under Clovis, who 
is reckoned the founder of the first dynasty of French 
monarchs. 

During the period now before us, the face of Eu- 
rope was changed, as we have already stated, by the 
Gothic and Saracen eruptions. The first care of 
these barbarous invaders was to destroy and forever 
to obliterate the inhabitants, the institutions, the 
manners and customs of the countries, which they 
subdued. A far more difficult task than this, was to 
maintain their acquisitions against subsequent inva- 
ders ; for the North of Europe, like an immense 
storehouse of nations, poured forth innumerable 
hordes, in rapid succession. These were equally 
hostile to each other, and knew nothing but to make 
war — to kill and ravage, wherever they came. 
Whether it was owing, however, to the softening in- 
fluence of mild climates, combined with the scat- 
tered rays of science, humanity and order, which 
had escaped the overwhelming flood of darkness ; or 
whether to the imperceptible influence of various 
unknown causes upon individuals, the people in the 
South and West of Europe, instead of sinking into a 
savage state, began, in the sixth century, to assume a 
regular form of government, which, though bad in 
itself, yet, under the influence of a natural course of 
causes, ultimately led on to the present state of 
Europe. 



COURSE OF EMPIRE. 235 

The northern barbarians entertained a high sense 
of freedom; and each of them considered himself as 
entitled to a liberal share of whatever his tribe should 
conquer. Each great chieftain, therefore, granted 
out and divided the conquered lands to the high offi- 
cers next himself, and they subdivided the same 
among their followers or vassals ; under this express 
condition, that each man should do military service 
a certain part of his time to his immediate lord, and 
that each lord or great vassal of the court should also 
do military service to the grand chieftain or king. 
This division of property, which prevailed in every 
part of Europe, was grounded wholly on military 
policy: it became, in fact, the only organized system 
of defence for several centuries, and has obtained the 
name of the Feudal System, 

This system of property, government and war, 
although it must be regarded as a happy change from 
a direful plunge of the human species into anarchy, 
and all the degradations of a savage state, yet was 
radically defective, and certainly conduced to pro- 
tract the ages of darkness. Still, however, it left 
room for the slow operation of causes, which would 
naturally correct, improve, and elevate the human 
mind, and which would at length originate other 
causes, far more efficient and rapid in rending the 
veil of darkness, and once more ushering the nations 
into the light of science and civility. Those who 
would see this subject handled with great elegance 
and perspicuity, may find it in the first volume of Dr. 
Robertson's History of Charles V. We shall here 
only observe, that the exorbitant power of the middle 
order Avas the grand defect of the Feudal System. 
The great lords held the power of life and death over 
their own subjects ; and also the right of making war 
in their own defence. Of course, if with such an ex- 
tent of prerogative, they confederated, they always 
outweighed the king. If they were at war with each 
other, which was often the case, the king had no con- 



^36 VIEW OP THE 

trol over them; because it was impossible for him to 
raise or command an army without their assistance. 
On the one hand, therefore, the hands of the monarch 
were tied 5 and, on the other, the lowest order were 
little better than abject slaves to their immediate 
governors. 

The feudal governments were at no great remove 
from the very worst of oligarchies. The want of 
power in the prince, and the force of the nation so 
divided, rendered them weak against invasion. This 
weakness was increased by the jealousies and turbu- 
lence of the great lords, who frequently occasioned 
civil wars, and at length reduced them to a state of 
anarchy, from which they could only be recovered 
and re-united by union, and a strong sense of com- 
mon danger. 

In the midst of the fluctuating waves of war, revo- 
lution and anarchy, the powerful and fortunate genius 
of Charlemagne erected a new empire in Europe ; 
which, for a moment bid fair to cut short the reign 
of darkness, and re-establish those institutions, which 
improve and adorn society. His dominion compre- 
hended the fairest parts of Europe, France, Germany 
and Italy. This event took place in the beginning 
of the ninth century. 

But as nothing can be more uninteresting, than the 
sterile histories of the wars and revolutions of the 
dark ages, so, even what is known of the battles, the 
sieges, the victories, the conquests, the elevation and 
the grandeur of Charlemagne, will be little more im- 
proving to the reader of history, than to tell him, 
that Charlemagne was a soldier of fortune ; that he 
fought bravely, and was generally victorious ; in a 
word, that he established a huge empire, consisting 
of a heterogeneous mass of crude materials — incon- 
gruous, disjointed members, and which he governed 
for several years, not by any regular plan of civil 
policy, which the nations were then as incapable 
of receiving, as of organizing, but by a strong mili- 



COURSE OP EMPIRE. 237 

iary arm, which he wielded with dexterity and suc- 
cess ; and that, when he expired, his empire fell into 
pieces. 

Injustice, however, to this great monarch, it must 
be noticed, that he was far from resembling the 
fierce, cruel and barbarous chieftains of the Goths or 
Saracens. Instead of deserving the title of Attila, 
the scorge of God, and the terror of men, he is justly 
celebrated for cultivating the arts of peace ; for en- 
couraging men of learning and wisdom ; and for 
promoting various important civil institutions. 

Perhaps, but for him, Europe* had still remained 
under the cloud of Gothic ignorance. He merits an 
honorable rank among those great and pow^erful 
minds, which evinced the possibility of checking the 
strong current of the times ; and, could he have lived 
and reigned for a century, he might have raised Eu- 
rope from her degraded state. But time, and a long 
series of events, could only mature those seeds of or- 
der and virtue, which under his administration began 
to vegetate, but which, in a manner, disappeared 
with him, and left the world in still palpable dark- 
ness. 

And here, as in the middle watches of the night, 
we shall close the first volume of this rapid and cur- 
sory survey, and leave the reader to repose in hope 
of a fairer morning; though a morning without clouds 
is hardly to be expected in a world, abounding, as this 
hitherto has, ?nore with vice than with virtue, and 
more with darkness than with light. 



A 

COMPEND OF HISTORY, 

FKOM THE 

EARLIEST TIMES ; 

COMPREHENDING A GENERAL VIEW OP THE 

PRESEJTT STdTE OF THE WORLD, 

WITH BESPECT TO 

CIVILIZATION, RELIGION, AND GOVERNMENT^ 

AND 

^ BRIEF DISSERTJITIOJV 

ON THE 

IMPORTANCE OF HISTORICAL KNOWLEDGE;; 

/=- 

BY SAMUEL WHELPLEY, A. M. 

Principal of the Newark Academy. 



SIX^H EDITION, WITH CORRECTIONS^ 
BY REV. JOSEPH EMERSON, 

Principal of the Female Semiaary at SauguS; 

TWO VOLUMES IJV OjYE. 
VOL. II. 



BOSTOJV: 
PUBLISHED BY RICHARDSON & LORD. 

J. H. A. Frost, Primer CoHgress-strsel;. 

1^22. 



V 



DISTRICT OF MASSACHUSETTS, to wit : 

Dutrici Clerk^s OJice. 

BE IT REMEMBERED, that on the twentj-third day of Maj^ 
A. D. 1820, in the Fortv-fourth Year of the Independence of the 
United States of America, West, Richardson & Lord, of the 
said District, have deposited in this Office, the Title of a Book, 
the right whereof thejr clainn as Proprietors in the words following^ 
to wit: 

" A Compend of History, from the earliest times ; comprehend* 
ihg: a General View of the Present State of the World, witi) re- 
spect to Civilization, Religion and Government ; and a Brief 
Dissertation on the Importance of Historical Knowledge. By 
Samttel Whelpley, A. M. Principal of the Newark Academy, 
Fourth Edition, with Corrections, By Rer. Joseph Emerson, 
Principal of the Bj^field Seminary, Two Volumes in one. Vol. II." 

In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, 
entitled, " An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing 
the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and propri- 
etors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned ;" and 
also to an act entitled, " An act, supplementary to an act, entitled, 
an act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies 
of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such 
copies, during the times therein mentioned ; and extending the 
benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving and etching 
historical and other prints." 

JOHN W. DAVIS, 
€lerk of the District of Massachusetts. 



TO THE READER. 



IN the preceding volume, we have attempted tosketcE 
the great line of history, through the ancient nations. 
A similar attempt with regard to the modern, and on the 
same scale, however small it may appear, would be im- 
practicable, without extending the work tar beyond its 
intended limit. The reader has already been apprised, 
that a methodical abridgment, even in the former part 
of the work, was not intended ; much less will it be in 
the subsequent. 

As we approach our own times, the subject matter of 
history becomes so copious, that its very outline would 
fill volumes ; and its skeleton could not be accurately 
drawn, but in a work of magnitude. 

In passing through a field so wide and diversified, we 
shall be able only to suggest some of the principal topics 
of historical observation. It will be like gliding lightly 
and swiftly over the numberless waves of the ocean, and 
touching only some of their highest tops. Yet our selec- 
tion of topics has not been without regard to the pleasure 
and profit of the reader. It is feared, that the rapidity 
and general nature of the narration, kept up for so long a 
time, will chill and disgust the mind. But we apprehend 
less danger from this source, than from a strictly chrono- 
logical form, which would exhibit a much greater number 
of facts, but without combination. 

In our choice of objects to present to the experienced 
reader, we have had continual reference to the power of 
association, and have endeavored to present such, as will 
be most likely to bring to remembrance groups of ideas 
and circumstances, which were once fresh, but are dow 
fading in the mind. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

VOL. 11. 

CHAPTER I. Page. 

BRIEF Historical View of Europe, from the begin- 
ning of the ninth to that of the sixteenth century, 
containing a period of 700 years 5 

CHAPTER II. 
—The Crusades. ..... 11 

CHAPTER Hi. 
The Ottoman Turks ... 14 

CHAPTER IV. 

Important Discoveries and 

Improvements 21 

CHAPTER V. 
Brief Historical View of the Nations of Europe, 
from the sixteenth century to the present day. . 27 

CHAPTER VI. 

France 42 

CHAPTER VII. 
. The Northern Powers. . . 58 

CHAPTER VIII. 
~ Great Britain 76 

CHAPTER IX. 
The Ecclesiastical States. . . 89 

CHAPTER X. 
The Present State of Europe 94 

CHAPTER XI. 
^ Of Asia 115 

CHAPTER XII. 
^^ Of Africa 141 

CHAPTER Xlll. 

Of Americi 1.^1 

Brief Dissertation on the Importance of Historical 

Knowledge 212 

Chronological Tables. . . \ .223 



HISTOKICAL COMPEND. 



CHAPTER I. 

BRIEF HISTORICAL VIEW OF EUROPE, FROM THE BEGINNING 
OF THE NINTH TO THAT OF THE SIXTEENTH CEJ^TURY, 
CONTAINING A PERIOD OF SEVEN HUNDRED YEARS. 

THE history of Europe, from the 9th to the 16th 
century, presents the following important particulars, 
viz. — The decay of the Feudal System ; the crusades ; 
the revival of commerce, followed by that of the 
liberal arts and sciences; the organization and estab- 
lishment of several European powers; the origin, 
rise and progress of the Turks ; and blended with 
the whole, a series of bloody and desolating wars, 
the offspring of depravity and ambition. 

During the period now before us, we shall, in this 
and the following chapters, take notice of such lead- 
ing traits of character and such events only, as con-' 
cern Europe in general. 

In a former chapter, we have given such a general 
sketch of the Feudal System, as was judged sufficient 
in that place. We shall, however, further remark 
here, that that system, not only opened a new era on 
the people of Europe, but gave to the various wheels 
of society, a momentum, which still influences their 
motions. The feudal chieftains acquired an ascen- 
dency, especially in property, which still continues 
to mark the grades in society : and though the feudal 
tenures have gradually melted away, and given place 
to a more civic form, especially in England, yet the 
afncient grants of lands marked out certain channels, 
51 



6 EIJROPE. 

in which property must for a long time continue to 
flow. 

The Feudal System may be defined, the granting of 
lands to certain persons, in consideration of military 
services. At what time, or in what place, this cus- 
tom originated, it is not easy to determine. It is the 
opinion of many, that it was rather the accidental re- 
sult of the state of society and property, which suc- 
ceeded the overthrow of the Roman empire by the 
barbarians. But others, among whom judge Black- 
stone is the chief, affirm it to have been among the 
ancient customs of the North of Europe, as early as 
the times of Julius Cesar. We shall leave this in- 
quiry to be pursued by such, as have leisure and in- 
clination. 

This system gave a direction to the spirit of free- 
dom, prevalent among the descendants of the con- 
querors of Rome, with which the ancients were never 
acquainted. This was fully displayed in the insti- 
tutions of chivalry and knight errantry. The general 
object of those institutions, appears to have been, 
the promotion and defence of integrity, honor, virtue, 
innocence and merit in general. They often, indeed, 
awakened too keen a sense of injury, and thirst for 
revenge, and of course terminated in blood : but they 
certainly led the way to that refinement of sensibili*- 
ty, which is the chief ornament of civilization. To 
those institutions must undoubtedly be ascribed, the 
merit of raising the female sex to that rank, which 
they ought to hold as rational beings and members 
of society; and of securing to them that treatment 
— that protection and respect, which are due to their 
softness, their delicacy and their superior sensi- 
bility. 

The raising of the female sex to the rank and es- 
timation they now hold, in the politer nations, must 
certainly be regarded as one of the most illustrious 
events recorded in civil history. Though it seems 
to have arisen out of chivalry and knight errantry, 



EUROPE, % 

yet the truth probably is, that its origin may be traced 
to a deeper cause. The people of the North of Eu- 
rope had very early broken loose from the inebriat- 
ing manners, and despotic governments of Asia, and 
had, of course, never imbibed their maxims, but re- 
tained a strong sense of the native independence, 
liberty and equality of men. Those original no- 
tions, when refined a little by the influence of wealth 
and learning, enkindled a spirit of gallantry and 
personal honor. 

The spirit of chivalry carried men to all lengths 
in defence of their own honor, or of that of the ladies, 
whose protection they had avowed. They would run 
all hazards, dangers and difficulties, encounter all 
hardships, or face death in every form. 

Those principles and passions, when ameliorated 
by the lapse of ages — when restrained by the influ- 
ence of enlightened morality and salutary laws, form 
some of the noblest traits in the human character. 
And it is pleasing to look back into those barbarous 
times, and see the seeds of order and improvement, 
even among the Goths and Vandals, which should 
one day spring up, and far transcend the refinements 
of Greece and Rome. The conquerors of Rome, we 
generally and justly style barbarians ; but they were 
in many essential respects, less barbarous, than the 
Romans whom they conquered. They had more 
justice and integrity, and more of every manly virtue. 
They were far less depraved in their morals; and 
possessed minds at least capable of improvement. 

Another custom, which was the genuine growth of 
the Feudal System, and which obtained an extensive 
influence through Europe, was the trial by duel — the 
most unreasonable and extraordinary practice which, 
perhaps, ever existed among men under the form of 
justice and legality. 

The decision of causes by duel, became so credi- 
ble and so common, that even actions of debt were 
decided by it, AD possible disputes, which required 



8 EUROPE. 

the intervention of law, were settled in open coui't 
by single combat. The person who failed was con- 
sidered as having lost his cause, by an act, that was 
providential and divine. The evils and calamities 
of this practice were very great. In those times 
quarrels and controversies were frequent, and litiga- 
tions incessant; and the whole world even in limes 
of peace, was overspread with slaughter, mourning 
and distress. Those capricious trials were, at every 
step, liable to take a turn, which strongly marks the 
licentious freedom of the times ; for even the judge 
on the bench was liable to be challenged for his sen- 
tence, or an advocate or witness at the bar, for his 
advice or testimony. It was no uncommon thing for 
the judge to be challenged on account of his decision, 
the advocate, for his counsel, the witness, for his tes- 
timony, and even the friends of one party or the 
other, for their countenance on the occasion. But a 
case far more common than this, was, that very often, 
previous to the day of trial, the plaintiff or defend- 
ant, the witnesses or the judge, were assassinated. 
Those were times of cruelty, of darkness and misery. 
There is great reason for gratitude to that all power- 
ful, overruling Providence, which determined, that 
mankind should see happier days. 

The revival of commerce was one of the natural 
consequences, resulting from the spirit of liberty and 
enterprise prevalent in the Feudal System. The an- 
cient nations generally regarded every species of 
traffic, as attaching to itself a certain kind of igno- 
miny and degradation unworthy of nobility. But 
that reproach was wholly wiped away in the revival 
of commerce, and it was thought not unworthy of 
the patronage and attention of lords and princes. 

Venice, Genoa, Pisa and several other of the 
Italian cities, having obtained certain privileges and 
exemptions from feudal customs, led the way in Eu- 
ropean commerce. They soon rose to a degree of 
wealth and independence, which gave them an in- 



fluence in all the great concerns of Europe. Venice 
was the first, the most powerful and pcrnnanent re- 
public, which rose after the fall of the Roman em- 
pire; and, next to Great Britain, is the most surpris- 
ing proof, which any age affords, of the power of 
commerce. 

When Maximin, the Roman emperor, besieged the 
ancient city of Aquileia, the inhabitants, perceiving, 
that the tyrant would carry the city by storm, found 
means to make their escape in the night, and fled to 
the marshy grounds, which lie at the head of the 
Adriatic gulf. Those grounds are said to be accessi- 
ble only by one causeway or pass. Here those un- 
fortunate but hardy people settled on a cluster of 
little islands, and on flats, where the land and water 
disputed for empire. But the Aquileians stepped in, 
and wresting the dominion from both, built wharves 
and dykes and bridges ; and at length with an in- 
trepid industry, almost unknown to the world, they 
raised a noble city, which may be regarded among 
the cities of modern Europe, as the first born from 
chaos and darkness. Enriched by commerce, and 
ennobled by a sudden and surprising revival of taste, 
it soon became equally splendid and powerful. It 
merited to have given law to Europe, and, for a while, 
had well nigh done it. But if it did not govern Eu- 
rope, it certainly did for her a much more honorable 
and illustrious task. It saved her from the horrid 
fangs of Turkish power ; and, in so doing, from a 
second age of darkness — perhaps from irretrievable 
ruin. 

The power of the Venitians by sea was such as to 
be an overmatch for the Turks, till other powers 
arose in Europe, who could cope with them by land. 
But the commerce of the Italian states filled all the 
ports of Europe with the richest commodities, and 
served to awaken a general spirit of enterprise, which 
had slumbered for many centuries; or, more proper- 
ly speaking, had as yet scarcely been awake. The 
2J* 



10 EUROPE. 

Italian states, in strictness, were the first commercial 
people, who ever existed in Europe. The Romans, 
rightly called the descendants of Mars, were never 
a commercial people. They carried on, no doubt, 
some commerce, as they did arts and agriculture. 
But they, very early, found out a readier way of ac- 
quiring wealth. Instead of trading with nations, they 
conquered them, and took the whole of their effects. 
When they had done conquering, and had nothing to 
do but enjoy their wealth, they still chose rather 
to fight than to trade. Of course they fought among 
themselves. The Gauls and Britons traded some : 
but their trafiic was of a limited and local nature, 
and in the light of modern commerce, deserves not 
to be mentioned. Some of the Grecian states, in- 
deed, did something in the commercial line, but 
their character was rather military and scientific. 
"They combat," said one, "for glory, and not for 
interest." 

The empire of Charlemagne, although it survived 
him but a short time, strengthened and edified the 
French and German monarchies. Spain, at this time, 
contained several petty kingdoms ; and some of the 
Italian republics, in the ninth and tenth centuries ac- 
quired permanence and a regular form of govern- 
ment. Little bad yet occurred to break the force or 
loosen the foundations of the Feudal System. It 
stood in its strength, and might forever have remain- 
ed an effectual bar to the improvement and civiliza- 
tion of Europe, had not wild fanaticism, and extra- 
vagant superstition at length effected, by the most 
extraordinary means, what never could have been 
looked for in a regular course of probable events. 
An event took place, which shook the minds of men 
from their established foundations ; tore up from the 
bottom their deepest prejudices; awakened them frona 
the slumber of ignorance and the dreams of delu- 
sion ; and presented before them illustrious motives 
and models of action. 



EUROPE. ll 



CHAPTER II. 

VIEW OF EUROPE CONTINUED. — THE CRUSADES. 

AT the end of the tenth century, a rumor prevail" 
cd through Europe, that the Son of God was about to 
make his personal advent to this world, in order to 
establish a universal empire, the seat of which was 
to be at Jerusalem. It occurred, therefore, that it 
was a duty, the performance of which would confer 
illustrious merit, to rescue the holy land from the 
hands of infidels, in order to be in readiness for that 
grand event. It was proposed, that the Christians of 
Europe should march in a body sufficient to crush 
the Mahometan powers of Asia ; and it was incul- 
cated and believed, that, under the sacred banners of 
the cross, they should bear down all opposition, or, 
if any fell in battle, that their cause would be a cer- 
tain passport to the regions of bliss. 

Preaching heralds were suddenly dispersed through 
Europe on this important mission. Some of them 
went clad in sackcloth, with their heads and feet 
bare.* They flew with incredible speed from king- 
dom to kingdom, promising to each soldier of the 
cross, at least the eternal blessing of heaven, and 
threatening such as remained inactive, with the end- 
less wrath of Deity. 

Their success was beyond calculation. The most 
powerful princes enlisted under the banners of the 
cross. The flame spread, and continued to burn, 
from the shores of the Baltic to the strait of Gibral- 
tar; and from the banks of the Danube to the bay of 
Biscay. All causes were swallowed up in one ; and 
men of all professions, of all ages, descriptions and 
nations, coalesced under the honorable title of sol- 
diers OF CHRIST, and champions of the cross. In all 
places the martial trumpet was heard, and warlike 
preparations were seen. Immense swarms of people 
• Peter the Hermit, and others. 



fS EUROPE. 

thronged from all quarters, to places of general ren- 
dezvous, whence, in still larger bodies, they rolled, 
like mighty torrents, into Asia. Never were the 
nations of Europe agitated by so general a passion ; 
nor did ever a public passion equal this for strength 
or duration ; for it governed Europe so entirely, that 
to make, to preserve, or to recover acquisitions in 
Judea and its neighborhood, was the grand and 
favorite object for two centuries. The reader may 
judge of the importance of the enterprise, when he is 
told, that, after two centuries were elapsed, upwards 
of two millions of lives lost, and incalculable sums 
expended, the Christians lost all footing in Judea ; 
which has ever since remained under the power of 
the Turks. This was probably among the wildest, 
most vain and extravagant enterprises ever under- 
taken by man» We shall only add the sentiment of 
an elegant historian, that it is matter of lasting re- 
gret, that the crusades, being the only enterprise in 
which the powers of Europe ever generally engaged, 
should remain to all posterity, an unexampled monu- 
ment of human folly. 

But however vain and extravagant the crusades 
were, they were productive of lasting good to man- 
kind. They changed the character and the manners 
of Europe. They, in the first place, drew off and in 
a measure exhausted, those fierce and fiery spirits, 
which could never be at rest. They gave full scope 
to the ardor of thousands of knights and chevaliers; 
so that their flaming and inordinate courage found 
other employ, than to waste and extinguish itself in 
the blood of honest and peaceable citizens. 

The general union of all Europe in one common 
cause, although a wild religious frenzy was at the 
bottom of it, prevented many wars, hushed many 
commotion-, and caused numberless private animosi- 
ties to be forgotttn ; the inhabitants of different 
countries became acquainted with each other ; and 
especially, when they met in the remote regions of 



EUROPE. 13 

Asia, they looked upon each other as brethren en- 
gaged in one grand cause, where life, honor and 
glorj were all at stake. The crusades may in fact 
be regarded, as the commencement of that inter- 
course among the people of Europe, which has been 
ever since increasing; and which cannot fail to as- 
similate and polish their manners. 

The Venitian fleets were greatly concerned in 
transporting the armies and the provisions of the 
crusaders. The latter, therefore, had an opportunity 
of beholding and admiring the improvement, civility 
and politeness^ as well as the convenience, the afflu- 
ence, the power and prosperity, which result from 
commerce. They were equally astonished and in- 
flamed with the idea. They transmitted accounts of 
the glory of Italy back to the countries, whence they 
came, and inspired their countrymen with a spirit of 
emulation. 

Many of their armies passed through Constantino- 
ple, which, as already stated, was the only great and 
important city, that escaped the ravages of the north- 
ern and eastern invaders, and descended, unimpair- 
ed, through the dark ages. 

In the year 1204, one of the most memorable in 
the times of the holy wars, an event took place of 
considerable consequence to the West of Europe. 
This was a little after the fifth crusade ; and was 
productive of some very important consequences, 
Constantinople had long been the seat of civil wars, 
conspiracies and revolutions. An army of French 
and Yenitians now besieged and took it, and placed 
Baldwin, earl of Flanders, on the throne of the 
Greek empire. The family of Baldwin held their 
empty title for nearly 60 years, when it was wrested 
from them by the Greek emperors of Nice. 

This will account for the fact, that Flanders and 
the adjacent countries led the way in the revival of 
letters. Constantinople, it is probable, contained the 
most valuable and precious remains of antiq^uitjj 



14 EUROPE. 

which had been there collected by the great Con^ 
stantine and his successors. The enterpribe of the 
crusaders spread over Europe whatever information 
they gained in their travels ; and, as Constantinople 
was their place of general rendezvous, the light, re- 
finement and science derived from thence, were, in 
the course of two centuries, during which the cru- 
sades lasted, diffused through Europe. 

In fine, the crusades gave a general concussion 
to the public mind, whicli forever shook off the 
tyranny of many barbarous customs j and broke the 
long and deadly slumbers of ignorance, whose nar- 
cotic influence on men's minds is always in propor- 
tion to its nature and extent. By promoting nation- 
al and social intercourse, they tended powerfully to 
melt away the prejudices, and assimilate the minds of 
men. As they had a union of object, they would 
naturally impress the mind with a sense of the pow- 
er, practicability, and good policy of combinations 
and extensive alliances. As they passed through 
countries far more cultivated, more enterprising and 
more opulent, than their own, they could not but 
draw instructive comparisons, and must naturally 
wish to imitate those, whose wisdom and industry 
had secured to them prosperity and power. By all 
these means, the eyes of mankind were opened, and 
many nations of the earth received, at the same time, 
important lessons of instruction — the genius of Eu- 
rope was roused, and stood ready to explore the 
avenues of knowledge, and to trace the intricate 
paths, which lead to more extensive fields of light 
and improvement. 



CHAPTER III. 

VIEW OP EUROPE CONTINUED. THE OTTOMAN TURKS. 

ABOUT the beginning of the 13th century, a 
new power arose, which first made head in Asia, and 



TCRltS. 15 

at length became the terror of all Europe. We have 
spoken particularly, in the former part of this com- 
pend,of the irruptions of the Scythians from the in- 
terior parts of Asia. A warlike tribe, sprung from 
this prolific fountain, had for some time infested the 
countries of western Asia, and at length were estab- 
lished in Bithynia. Othoman appeared at their head, 
and laid the foundation of a dynasty of most warlike 
and powerful princes. He flourished about the year 
1 229. In no part of the annals of history, do we find 
a braver, more politic, or fortunate race of monarchs, 
than that of Othoman, or Othman. They seldom 
failed to unite bravery with prudence, or good for- 
tune with enterprise. In Asia and Africa, their con- 
quests were co-exler»sive with the empire of Rome; 
nor would ihty have fallen short in Europe, but for 
the intervention of unexpected causes. 

Othoman was succeeded by his son Orchanes ; he, 
by Amurath I. ; and he, by Bajazet T. Amurath led 
a great army over the Hellespont, and invaded Eu- 
rope. After Uiaking various conquests, he fixed the 
seat of his empire at Adnaoople. Amurath estab- 
lished the janizaries, perhaps the most powerful and 
efficient corps, the most perfectly trained to the art 
of war, and the ablest and most to be relied on in 
the day of battle, of any ever known. In the history 
of the Turks, it is remarkable, that, for several cen- 
turies, the succeeding monarch outdid his predeces- 
sor. The son generally excelled the father in ener- 
gy, policy, grandeur of schemes, and felicity of exe- 
cution. This remark will in a good measure apply, 
till the reign of Solyman the Magnijicmt^ w^ho raised 
the Turkish empire to its zenith of glory. It was 
not so with the emperors of Rome, but often the 
reverse. 

Bajazet, the son of Amurath, was a very great gen- 
eral. He was impetuous as a thunderbolt, yet of 
cool and thoughtful courage. He possessed the craft 
and policy of negociation» together with the power* 



16 TURKS. 

of compulsion. The Turkish armies in his time were 
distinguished for their numbers and dicipline. Ba- 
jazet generally commanded from three to five hundred 
thousand men ; but the flower of his army was 50,000 
janizaries. With such a force, no power in Europe 
could have resisted him ; and he had matured every 
plan for extinguishing the Greek empire in the cap- 
ture of Constantinople. But Providence had raised 
up a power, before which this haughty conqueror 
must fall, in the midst of his pride, prosperity and 
glory. 

Tamerlane was, by inheritance, prince of a Tartar 
clan. Nature 'had endowed him with a mind capa- 
ble of forriiing and executing the grandest enter- 
prises. He early showed that superiority in council 
and in action, which raised him to the high station of 
cham of the Usbeck Tartars, His capital was 
Samarcand. He soon, by the wisdom and energy of 
his administration, drew to his standard innumerable 
Tartar tribes, and saw himself at the head of the 
empire of Genghis Khan. Inflamed by the glory of 
that great conqueror, he invaded and subdued India, 
extending his empire to the eastern ocean. From 
the conquest of India, he had just returned, enriched 
with spoils of immense value, when embassadors ar- 
rived at his court from the emperor of Constantino- 
ple, whose capital was now besieged, and from va- 
rious other Christian princes, already expelled from 
their dominions. These embassadors implored the 
aid of Tamerlane against the haughty Turk, who 
threatened the conquest of all Europe. 

The mighty Tartar immediately despatched a 
herald to Bajazet, desiring to know the reasons of his 
conduct, and offering to mediate between him and the 
Greek emperor. Bajazet, whom no power could in- 
timidate, returned a haughty and indignant answer ; 
upon which Tamerlane marched against him, it is 
commonly said, at the head of a million of men. All 
Europe stood paralyzed for a moment at the expect- 



TURKS. 17 

ed shock; and dreading every thing if the Turks 
should prevail. They canne to a general haltle near 
Angora, about 200 miles E. S. E. of Constantinople, 
Perhaps a greater battle has not been fought in 
modern times. Each army was drawn up in the most 
consummate manner, according to the tactics of the 
times. Fihy thousand janizaries, in a solid column, 
occupied the centre of the Turkish army, at the head 
of which Bajazet fought on foot. 

TamcTlane, in the morning, drew up the flower 
of his immense force, under the command of his 
ablest officers; and directed them to commence the 
action, while he looked on as a spectator, and stood 
ready to send necessary reinforcements from time to 
time. He had previously announced to Bajazet, that 
he might expect to meet him in battle, when he 
should see the green flag displayed. 

The first shock was tremendous; and the ensuing 
conflict truly dreadful. The Tartar lords reminded 
their soldiers of the glory of Genghis Khan and of 
the conquest of India. 

•' Long time in even scale, the battle hung." 
Atiength, however, the wings of the Turkish army 
began to sjive way, borne down by the almost infinite 
force of the Tartar cavalry and infantry, who fought 
with astonishing rage and fury. Tamerlane, per- 
ceiving the moment of advantage, despatched ten 
thousand horse and as many foot, to sustain the wast- 
ing ardor of the battle. 

The Turkish army were generally defeated, dis- 
persed, or cut to pieces, except the janizaries, who, 
animated by the presence and example of their gal- 
lant manarch, seemed to defy all mortal prowess^ 
Tiiey stood firm like a rock. vvhic!i, unmoved, sustains 
the singing billows. This formidable force, compos^ 
ed of troops of known superiority, and led by the 
Turkish sultan, who fought with prodigious valor, 
still held the fortune of the field doubtful ; when 
Tamerlane was seeii advancing under the green fla.T? 
22 



18 TURKS. 

at the head of 50,000 chosen cavalry, the splendid 
guards of the conqueror of the East. At that moment, 
the battle was renewed, and the janizaries, now near- 
ly surrounded, fought with amazing bravery around 
the person of their king. But they were over- 
whelmed as with an irresistible torrent; and Baja- 
zet, contrary to his own determination, was taken 
alive, with many of his guards. 

It is related by some historians, that Tamerlane 
demanded of Bajazet, when brought before him, what 
he would have done with him, provided fortune had 
declared in his favor? The captive monarch sternly 
and haughtily replied, " 1 would have put you into 
an iron cage, and carried you for a show all over my 
kingdom." " The same," said Tanterlane, "shall be 
done to yourself;" and, it was accordingly done 
without delay. 

Tamerlane, having rescued the Greek emperor, 
and freed Europe from immediate danger, by hum- 
bling the Turkish power, returned into Asia ; and, 
subdued Syria and Palestine, proceeded to Egypt and 
Persia, returnifig after a period of eight years to 
Samarcand, tbiough the middle countries of Asia. 
He is represented as a prince of great moderation 
and self-command, and of a mild and amiable temper. 
He was adored and almost deified by his subjects. 
His reign was long and prosperous; and his domin- 
ions are thought to have been nearly as extensive, 
as those of Russia, comprehending a considerable por- 
tion of the known world. The emperor of Hlndos- 
tan claims direct desrent from Tamerlane, whose 
lineal desccndnnls also led the Tartars in ihe conquest 
of China. They, of consequence, now possess the 
thrones of China and India, and govern a third part 
of the human species. 

The Tartars interfered no more with the Ottoman 
Turks, but left them gradually to recover from so 
deep a wound. Nor were the Christian princes able 
to avail themselves of this favorable opportunity to 



TURKS. 19 

complete the ruin of so formidable a foe. Solyman 
I. the son and successor of Bajazet, derived courage 
and fortitude from his father's misfortune ; and col- 
lecting the shattered remains of his forces, soon ap- 
peared at the head of an army, which was able to 
keep the field. So severe a check of the Turks, 
however, protracted the capture of Constantinople 
for nearly a century. Solyman was succeeded by 
Mahomet 1.; he, by Amurath II.; and he, by Ma- 
homet the Great. This prince took Constantinople 
in the year 1453; which was followed by the subju- 
gation of all Greece. The Turks, under the suc- 
ceeding reigns, became the most formidable power 
in Europe, till, in the reign of Solyman the Magnifi- 
cent, A. D. 152G, after subduing Hungary, and car- 
rying off 200,000 prisoners, that great prince ad- 
vanced into Austria, and laid siege to Vienna. But 
on the approach of Charles V. at the head of a great 
army, he raised the siege, and retired into his own 
dominions, doubtless remembering the fate of Baja- 
zet. This, however, carries us beyond the period, 
which was to be the subject of the present chap- 
ter. 

As the brevity of this compend will not allow us to 
enter again particularly on the Turkish history ; be- 
fore we dismiss that article, it will be proper to state 
a few things, which do not properly belong to this 
chapter. There was probably never a race of 
monarchs of equal abilities for war with the Ottoman 
race, as far as to the reign of Solyman the Magnifi- 
cent. They were certainly great in the art of gov- 
erning a turbulent and licentious race of men, as well 
at home, or in times of peace, as in the field of bat- 
tle. And, what is matter of the highest admiration, 
every succeeding reign seemed to eclipse the former; 
and the deeds of the father were forgotten in the su- 
perior exploits of the son. Mahomet the Great, who 
took Constantinople, is universally allowed to have 
been a most politic and accomplished prince, as well 



20 T^tTRKS. 

as the greatest commander of his time. But the 
greatest of the Turkish emperors was Sol) man the 
Magnificent. In him were combined the first quali- 
ties of the soldier and salesman. He was fierce and 
furious as Bajazet, and artful and cruel as Mahomet 
the Great ; besides which, he displayed a grandeur 
and dignity of mind, which no Turk ever did before 
or after him. In his reign, the Turkish empire gained 
its utmost height of power and glory ; and though his 
successors cannot generally be styled weak princes, 
yet the empire has ever since experienced a uniform 
and progressive decline; and, it has been thought, 
would, one day, fall before the power of Russia. 

Notwithstanding the great abilities of the Turkish 
emperors, it must be confessed, that their characters 
were extremely unlovely, even to a man ; all their 
good qualities being deeply shaded with cruelty, and 
stained with blood. They commoly ascended the 
throne, through the blood of their nearest relations; 
and we may apply to them the strong metaphor, ap- 
plied to Simeon and Levi by their father Jacob; 
Instruments of cruelty are in their habitation. 

There is no nation more uniform in their character, 
than the Turks. In mind, they seem morose, melan- 
choly, mistrustful, and of course, in their manners, 
cold, distant and repulsive. Nor do they vary from 
this character, though dwelling, as they have so long, 
in those mild and pleasant countries, which it might 
be thought, would naturally tend to render their dis- 
positions more cheerful, and their manners more gen- 
tle and engaging. It is a painful reflection, that 
those very countries, where the ancient Greeks car- 
ried literature and philosophy to such perfection, are 
now inhabited by some of the most stupid and ugly 
of the human race. One would be ready to wish, that 
so gloomy and dirty a race were expelled from Eu- 
rope, and that some nation capable of appreciating 
the advantages of the country, would take posses- 
sion of it. 



JDISCOVERIES AND IMPROVEMENTS. 21 

The word, Twr/c, it is said, signifies a rimnderer, or 
banished man* Some writers have conjectured that 
the Turks are descendants of the Jews, or of the ten 
tribes of Israel. From whatever source thej sprung, 
they erected a mighty fabric of power and dominion ; 
and could the course of empire be represented by a 
line drawn through states and kingdoms, it would 
pass through Turkey; since there was certainly a 
time, when the Turks were the most powerful nation 
in Europe, and, if we except China, perhaps the 
most powerful in the world. 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE SAME CONTINUED. IMPORTANT DISCOVERIES AND 

IMPROVEMENTS. 

AS the crusades effected a general change of char- 
acter in Etirope, ihey in hct laid the fi>undation for 
the dawn of that grand epoch, commonly called the 
Revival of Letters. The crusades had in some mea- 
sure, loosened the fetters of the Feudal System, and 
diffused a spirit of enterprise through Europe, when 
commerce, which had long been limited to Italy, 
began to move northward, along the shores of the 
continent; and Ghent and Bruges, and the towns, 
which afterwards formed the body of the celebrated 
Hanseatic league, began to grow famous in Europe, 

Toward the close of the 13th century, the crusades 
had ceased, and all the Christian acquisitions in Asia 
had fallen into the hands of the Turks. The wheels 
of commerce had just begun to move, and number- 
less enterprises and improvements were vet in a state 
of embryo, when a discovery was made of the highest 
importance to the commercial and literary world* 
The difficulty and danger of voyages at sea, had, 
frona the earliest ages, operated as a powerful itn- 
22^ 



22 DISCOVERIES 

pediment to navigation. It frequeatly happened, that 
a long continued obscuration of the heavenly bodies, 
in stormy seasons, was attended with most dreadful 
consequences to whole fleets, which were driven on 
shore, without any possible means of foreseeing or 
avoiding the danger. The invention of the Mariner's 
Compass, in a great measure, remedied these evils* 
In the year 1300, the magnetic power to give polarity 
to iron, was discovered to be of importance in navi- 
gation ; and a compass was constructed, which, at all 
limes, would instantly refer the pilot to any point or 
course, he wished to know. I'his truly great and 
■wonderful discovery was made by Goya, at Venice ; 
and may serve to give mankind a just idea of the 
supereminence of the Venitians in naval affairs. 
Columbus, in his adventurous voyage of discovery, 
first perceived the variation of the compass. This 
irregularity, though arising from unknown causes, is 
found, hov/ever, to be reducible to such established 
laws, as not much to lessen the usefulness of the 
instniment. 

Upon li'iis discovery, infiumerable difficulties at- 
tending navigahon vanished; and the feai less mari- 
ner traversed the main oceans, under a surer guide, 
than a transient view of the sun or stars. The dis- 
covery of the mari tier's compass was attended with 
vast consequences to mankind. It opened innumera- 
ble sources of communitation, intelligence, and im- 
provement ; and was a.^rand epoch to all commer- 
cial nations. In short, it gave a new face to the old 
world, aud brought a new world to light. 

If the fiiariner's compass formed a new and grand 
era in nav'.^ation, an invention took place in the fol- 
lowing century. A. D. 1441, of still greater impor- 
tance in the literary world, and of more extensive in- 
fluence in the revival of letters, viz. the art of print- 
ing. Before ibis wonderful invention, books were 
scarce, and bor^ an exorbitant prire. They couhi 
only be multiplied ^y the slow and painful operation 



AND IMPROVEMENTS. 23 

of copying one atter another; and poor and laboring 
people could neither purchase, nor transcribe them. 
But printing multiplied books beyond calculation, 
and reduced their price in equal proportion : so that 
the world is now full of books ; and the printing of 
the most useful and elegant productions of genius, 
costs but a little more than the blank paper. By 
these means, useful iearning began to be generally 
diffused through Europe. From remote antiquity, a 
certain mode of block printing has been known and 
practised among the Chinese; but which bears little 
resembhnce to that important art discovered in 
modern Europe, from which benefits of such magni- 
tude iiave arisen (o mankind. 

In connexion with the first mode of printing, if we 
cont^ider t!ie valuable improvement of the Stereotype, 
in whicli all (ho l< it( r^^ are correctl}' formed on the 
face of one solid p'iite, and there remain unalterable, 
we cannot but be filled witii admiration. The inven- 
tion of printii;g is entith d to an honor second to 
none, but that of alph;^bctic writing. 

The prrfeciiorj of the naval system, and the exten- 
sive multiMlication of books, have given a propor- 
tional diffusion of light and improvement through 
many nations. There seem to be but two more grand 
improvements necessary, in order to place mankind 
on that footing for progress in reason, philosophy and 
virtue, which their exaltc-d powers and faculties and 
immortal natures, demand. These are universal 
peace, and a universal language. 

1. Universal peace. Although this idea is com- 
monly received by Christians as a matter of faith, 
and by many others as a groundless theory, yet it 
seems capable of defence on the principles of reason. 

It is generally said, that a man wants but to under- 
stand his own interest, in order to pursue it.* And 

* It is very far from being- true, that men have g-enerally pur- 
sued their own best interest, as far as they have understood it.— 
Ed. 



24 DISCOVERIES 

nothing is more certain, than that the bulk of roan» 
kind need only to understand their true interest, in 
order to revolt from the idea of war, with utter ab- 
horrence. Look over the history of wars, and sec 
for whose benefit they have been undertaken and car- 
ried on. Tbey have been generally waged, to grati- 
fy the passion, and carried on to support the thrones 
of the most barbarous and detestable tyrants. Read 
the history of Alexander's wars. For what did his 
soldiers undergo intolerable hardships and indescrib- 
able dangers, but solely to gratify his insatiable am- 
bition ? When such as escaped carnage, had answer- 
ed his purposes, covered with scars, and disabled by 
toils, they were cast off, as a worn out shoe or tat- 
tered garment, and consigned to oblivion. The same 
may be said of most other great conquerors. It may, 
indeed, be urged that war furnishes employment for 
men ; but so does robbery, and almost every other 
species of crime. And ought such a reflection as this, 
to lie against Divine Providence ? Can we, for a mo- 
ment, surmise, that men are thrown into such a condi- 
tion here on earth, as to have no other means of sub- 
sistence, than schemes for the destruction of each 
other? God forbid f This argument, in favor of war, 
is an insult upon the Creator, who has sair*^ Thou shall 
not kill. It is also sometimes said, that war is neces- 
sary to diminish population; and that otherwise the 
world would not bold or support mankind. Must then 
mankind become worse than wild beasts, and cruel 
as devils, in order to disburthen the world of its 
supernumerary inhabitants, and thin the ranks of 
society? 

He who has made man, and given him the earth 
for his habitation, intonded it for his support, and 
there can be no doubt, that, could peace become per- 
maner^t aiid universal, the arts of peace would so 
flourish, that the earth would support more millions, 
than it n<>w does thousands : the whole earth would^ 
at Itingth,, become a garden.^ 



AND IMPROTEMENTS. 25 

Before the globe should acquire more inhabitants, 
than it could support, Almighty Providence, ever at 
hand, and all whose course is marked with equal wis- 
dom and benevolence, would help us to a solution of 
this difficulty, in a way, of which, in our present be- 
wildered state, we can form no conception. 

2. The plan suggested by Leibnitz and many oth- 
ers, of a universal language, or as some have styled 
it, a language of thoughts, would probably result from 
universal peace. To the hostility of nations may be 
reasonably imputed, in a great measure, their diver- 
sity of languages, customs and manners. By these, 
they are divided as by walls of immeasurable height, 
and kept strangers to each other. They cherish not 
only personal animosities, but even an aversion to 
each other's religion, politics and learning. Could 
the veil be removed from human reason, and the true 
light of philosophy shine, men would learn to respect 
one another, and national prejudices woqid vanish 
away. Then also the prospects of pleasure and ad- 
vantage, resulting from a more intimate union be- 
tween nations, would produce numberless schemes to 
facilitate a communication, which could only be ren- 
dered complete and universal, by a universal language. 

Whether genera and species of things, or in short, 
"whether univesal terms can be, in any way, express- 
ed by characters or symbols, and particulars by com- 
binations or indices, we cannot say. Men's thoughts 
are about things ; and things are the same to one as 
to another; therefore men think nearly alike, except 
when they think about words, and get out of the 
region of nature into that of art. 

That there will be a written language, which all na- 
tions can read and understand, is, in fact, a thing far 
more probable to us, than it can be to a savage, who 
never heard of an alphabet, or that there is such a 
thing as we call reading and writing. But what char- 
acters, combinations and gestures will compose that 
language, some future Cadmus must determine. 



26 DISCOVERIES AND IMPROVEMENTS. 

In the midst of the gradually increasing light of 
science, a (ew men, in various parts of Europe, seem 
to have been able to tear off, at once, the palpable 
veil of darkness from men's minds ; and to consume, 
in a moment, the mighty masses of wood, hay and 
stubble, which ignorance and superstition had been 
heaping upon science for a thousand years. The 
names of Erasmus and Grotius' and Puffendorf merit 
the highest honor in the illustrious list of the fathers 
of literature. And, at this period, Christopher Co- 
lumbus, a native of Genoa, planned and executed the 
grandest enterprise ever undertaken by man. From 
his knowledge of the figure of the globe, he conjec- 
tured there must be a balancing continent, to operate 
as a counterpoise to the old one. 

For several years, Columbus petitioned the courts 
of Europe in vain. At length he was furnished with 
a small squadron of ships by the court of Spain, and 
commissioned to go and seek for the new world in 
the western ocean. Braving the dangers of an un- 
known sea, and the mutinies of his more boisterous 
and tempestuous sailors, he performed the adventur- 
ous voyage, and discovered a continent. The grati- 
tude of Spain rewarded his services with chains and 
a dungeon; and mankind, to mend the matter, have 
called the quarter of the globe, which he discovered, 
after Americus, a Florentine pilot — about as much 
entitled to that honor as Bamfield Carew, king of 
the gypsies, or Tangrolipix the Turkish chieftain. 

We have now given the reader a brief sketch of 
the causes, which raised the nations of Europe into 
a state of improvement and civilization, after the 
reign of darkness and barbarity for so many ages. It 
now only remains that we consider their progress, 
under the more auspicious influence of science, mo- 
rality and religion. 



GERMANY. 27 



CHAPTER V. 

BRIEF HISTORICAL VIEW OP THE NATIONS OF EUROPE, FROM 
THE BEGINNING OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY TO THE 
PRESENT DAY. 

GERMANY. 

DURING a considerable part of the 16tb century, 
Europe was governed by rnonarchs, whose uncom- 
mon abilities enabled thf m to improve the science 
of government. Charles V. Henry VIII. Francis I. 
and Solyman the Magnifjcent, were then actors in 
the great drama, of which all Europe was the stage; 
and each succeeding year held up new scenes to the 
politician, historian and philosopher. 

The posterity of Charlemagne held the throne of 
Germany for a hundred years, when they were reject- 
ed by the princes of the empire, and Conrad, duke 
of Franconia, was elevated to the imperial dignity. 
Since that time, the monarchy has been elective. 
Various families enjoyed the dignity ; and the empire 
was constantly engaged in wars with France, with 
the north(>rn powers of Europe, with the pope, or 
wivh the Turks. By the death of the ernperor Maxi- 
milian in 1519, the German throne, at that time con- 
sidered as the first among the royal dignitaries of Eu- 
rof^e, was become vacant. Two candidates of very 
different but equally powerful claims, sought the suc- 
cession ; Fiancis the First, king of France, and 
Charles, king of Spain and the Low Countries. The 
proximity of France to Germany, the high military 
reputation of Francis, the interest he had with several 
electors, and his capacity for intrigue, induced him 
to hope for succfss. 

CharlciJ. wlto by his accession to the imperial throne 
was denominated the Fii\h, was descended front 
the house of Austria, and by family alliances was the 
most powerful prince in modern times. His father 



28 GERMANY. 

was Philip the Handsome, archduke of Austria, and 
son of the emperor Maximilian. The paternal grand- 
mother of Charles was the daughter of Charles the 
Bold, duke of Burgundy; and from her he inherited 
the sover* ignty of Flanders and all the Low Coun- 
tries. His mother was Joan, the daughter of Ferdi- 
nand and Isabella, in whose right he inherited the 
monarciiy of Spiiin and South America. 

These powerful rivals endeavored to substantiate 
their claims, and press their pretensions by various, 
and indeed, by weighty considerations. The known 
abilities of Francis, as a soldier and statesman, had 
already spread his fame, and added terror to the 
arms of France. The truly vast resources of the 
young Spanish monarch seemed to point him out, as 
the proper person to sustain the high and important 
charge of governing and defending the German em- 
pire. But the electors, jealous of the French on the 
one hand, and fearing on the other, the extreme 
youth of Charles, unanimously determined to make 
an offer of the imperial crown to Frederic, elector of 
Saxony, who was surnamed the Wise. The refusal 
and reply of that magnanimous prmce on so inter- 
esting an occasion, which we copy from RussePs 
Modern Europe, is worthy of a place in this brief 
sketch. 

" In times of tranquility." said Frederic, " we wish 
for an emperor, who has no power to invade our 
liberties. Times of danger demand one, who is able 
to secure our safety. The Turkish armies, led by a 
warlike and victorious monarch, are now assembling ; 
they are ready to pour in upon German) with a 
violence unknown to former ages. New conjunctures 
call for new expedients. The imperial sec ptre must 
be committed to some hard morn poui^rlul than 
mine, or that of any other Gern..^a prince. We pos- 
sess neither dnminlons, nor revenue!?, nor authority, 
which might en - \^ as to en« ounLr such a formi- 
dable enemy. Recourse must be had, iu this exigen- 



«ERMANY. 29 

cy to one of the rival monarchs, each of them can 
bring into the field forces sufficient for our defence. 
But as the king of Spain is of German extraction, as? 
he is a member and prince of the empire by the 
territories which descend to him from his grand- 
father, and as his dominions stretch along that fron* 
tier, which lies most exposed to the enemy, his claim, 
in my opinion, is perferable to that of a stranger t<> 
our language, to our blood, and to our country." 

" In consequence of this speech," continues th6 
same author, '' Charles was elected." 

As we now have before us by far the most impor* 
tant period of German history, we shall be a little 
more particular in giving a sketch of the reign of 
Charles V. This we shall do, not by exhibiting a 
detail of events, but by stating a few of the lead- 
ing objects, which present in the histories of those 
times. And 

1. The first object, which engages the attention 
under this reign, is the rivalship and contention be- 
tween Charles and Francis. Of this there is scarce- 
ly a parallel to be found in history. Their ambition 
was equal; and the resources and abilities of each 
were very great, but extremely different. The cen- 
tral and compart situation of France gave it greatly 
the advantage in several respects. To this add, that 
Francis I. was not only an accomplished statesman, 
but an able commander. His genius, however, both 
civil and military, was of a peculiar cast : and no two 
rivals were ever more completely different. He 
was brave, active, energetic and impetuous; thougK 
at times his impetuosity betrayed him into rashness. 
He manifested greater abilities in extricating him- 
self from difficulties, into which his hasty, generous 
and credulous temper bad thrown him, than his rival 
did in gaining advantages over him. 

Charles was gloomy, plodding, and in dissimulation,* 
seldom surpassed. I3ut the distance of Spain and 
Germany, the two vast machines he had to managjB 
23 



30 GERMANY. 

and keep in order, and, in short, the distance of both 
fronri the Low Countries, and of the latter from Aus- 
tria, consumed his time and denied him the celerity 
necessary to war and conquest. Indeed when we 
consider attentively the designs, which Chanes ac- 
complished in a long and splendid reign, they can 
hardly be allowed to be answerable to the greatness 
and vigor of his genius, or resources. In his wars 
"with Francis, he generally had the advantage ; and 
the famous battle of Pavia in 1525, in the sixth year 
of his reign, seemed to crown his good fortune in the 
entire ruin of his antagonist. 

On the 24th of Febuary, 1525, the imperial guards 
encountered Francis at Pavia, near the river Po, in 
the duchy of Milan. The French army was defeated 
with great slaughter, and the king himself made 
prisoner. 

Charles having his rival and implacable enemy 
DOW in his power, dictated to him such conditions of 
peace, as his own haughty and crafty policy suggest- 
ed. These conditions Francis signed, in order to 
gain his liberty, but was careful never to fulfil. 

Though the vast power of the emperor always 
seemed to give him the upper hand, yet Francis at 
the time of his death, left his kingdom far better 
than he found it ; andjii^deed, hrs able and vigorous 
administration laid the foundation for the elevation 
of France to that sublime height, to which she has 
since risen. 

2. The second leading object in the reign of 
Charles V. was the systematic and formidable resis- 
tance he made to the Turkish power ; and this was 
by far the most fortunate circumstance of his reign. 
The Turks had become truly terrible to all Europe. 
The capture of Constantinople, and the reduction 
of the Greek empire, although it established their 
dominion over the finest regions of the globe, swell- 
ed their treasures with incalculable wealth, and gave 
them the fullest enjoyment of imperial magnificence 



GERxMANY. 31 

and luxury, neither abated their courage, activity, 
nor ambition. Their next field of r'ory was the 
German empire; and Solyman the M- : aificent, now 
on the throne, seemed every way equa^ to ihe great- 
est enterprise. 

Under the reign of this prince, the Turkish power 
gained its utmost height. Solyman, determining, if 
possible, to excel his ancestors, bad actually planned 
the conquest of Germany ; and, as before stated, had 
reduced Hungary and laid siege to Vienna, the capital 
of the German empire. The disposition of Charles 
was too cool and contemplative to delight in a military 
life. The present call, however, both of self-preser- 
vation and of glory was indispensable. Charles ap- 
peared at the head of an army answerable to his own 
greatness, as well as to that of his adversary. No 
force so formidable had been brouglit into the field 
against the Turks, since the defeat of Bajazet by 
Tamerlane. Each army was doubtless composed of 
the finest troops in the world, directed by the greatest 
masters of the art of war, and that under the imme- 
diate eye of two of the greatest monarchs. 

These two consummate statesmen, however, saw 
too clearly the consequences of hazarding a general 
battle. They already had too much to risque; and, 
from the event it seems, that neither of them wished 
to tic^ht, unless pressed by necessity to that dangerous 
measure. On the approach therefore of the impe- 
rial army, Solyman prudently retired into his own 
dominions; nor did he see cause, during the life of 
Charles, to make a similar attempt upon Germany, 

The immense fabric of power and policy, which, 
during Charles' reign, Germany presented to the 
Turks, in fact, repressed that warlike nation, and 
their military spirit seemed to expire with Solyman 
the Magnificent. 

3. Charles V. was, at heart, no great friend to re- 
ligion, in any form, especially when it was likely to 
interfere with his favorite scheaies. He was much 



S2 OERBIANV. 

fonder of an earthly, than of a heavenly kingdom. 
This consideration presents another important trait 
in his reign. For notwithstanding the greatness of 
his power, it is probable the reformation could not 
have been set on foot in any other reign, with great- 
er or equal prospects of success. Charles had no 
idea of adopting any new religion, nor did he want 
Tery much of the old. He was, therefore, an enemy 
to Luther aiid the Reformation, of which he was the 
instrument. But the vast schemes of policy, in 
which his mind was engaged, left him no room to 
direct his attention to the suppression of what he 
considered as a religious heresy. He therefore, for 
a considerable time, left Luther and his adherents to 
the censures of the church, which he well knew were 
not apt to be sparing, especially toward those, wh(^ 
attacked her corruptions. 

Luther had dared to erect the standard of rebellion 
against the sovereign pontiff, whose claims and abuses 
of spiritual power were equally enormous. This he 
first did by exposing the wickedness of the sale of 
indulgences. Long before this period, the pope had 
claimed the power and right of pardoning sin. At 
first he granted remission upon confession and signs 
of repentance ; but these terms being at length 
thought too cheap, the criminal was compelled to 
pay a sum of money, in order to obtain absolution. 
From sins past, the transition, by a little refinement, 
was not difficult to an anticipation of forgiveness. 
This, as may readily be supposed, soon became an 
important and very lucrative traffic to the church. 
Indulgences to commit sin were actually sold ; and 
men would so cheerfully pay their money for this 
article, that it became a principal source of church- 
revenue. It is said that the sale of indulgences was 
begun by Urban II. in order to encourage men to en- 
gage in the crusades. 

In the times of Luther, it had arisen to a very 
high pitch J and the various provinces and depart- 



GERMANY. 3.3 

xftents of the church were actually farmed out, and 
the business reduced to a regular system. 

From censuring this practice, which for the enor* 
mity of its wickedness was perhaps never surpassed, 
Luther proceeded to other corruptions of Popery, 
and with rapid course, at length to attack the whole 
fabric of papal power. The popularity of his talents 
and the force of truth, seemed to aid the purposes of 
Providence in his exertions. His success was amaz- 
ing. Among his adherents were many persons of 
distinction, and some of the most powerful princes of 
the empire, particularly the Elector of Saxony, and 
the Landgrave of Hesse. 

Whilst the pope was endeavoring by the terror of 
his spiritual thunders, to subdue Luther and his fol- 
lowers, and render them obedient to his will, the em- 
peror was deeply engaged in far different schemes 5 
intending, however, when he should have leisure, to 
crush the reformation, at a blow. But Charles never 
found much leisure from the toils and vexations of 
ambition ; and before he was ready to second the 
views of the pope, the reformation had taken too 
deep root to be easily extirpated. 

This period of German history brings to light one 
•of the most extraordinary characters of modern times, 
Maurice, marquis of Misnia and Thuringia, rendered 
himself conspicuous by his formidable resistance ta 
the power of Charles V. the essential service he gave 
to the Protestant cause, and the dissimulation and 
duplicity, with which he accomplished his designs. 
Having first espoused the cause of Luther, he became 
active in the councils of the Protestant princes; but 
suddenly changed his course, and entered into the 
measures of the emperor, for suppressing the Refor- 
mation. This new coalition, he supported with a 
high hand, and, after the fall of the Elector of Sax- 
ony, succeeded to that principality ; at the same time, 
taking the most active and effectual measures to r«m 
^3* 



34 GERMANY. 

the Protestant cause, which now to all appearance 
became desperate. 

After having gone such lengths, as to gain the en- 
tire confidence of the emperor, he again suddenly 
shifted his course, and by a public manifesto, declared 
himself the friend of the Reformation, the avenger of 
the injured princes, whom Charles had stripped of 
their dominions, and the supporter of the ancient 
Germanic constitution. At the same time, march- 
ing with a powerful army toward Austria, he endeav- 
ored to surprise the emperor, as he lay at Inspruck 
•with but a small force. Charles made his escape 
over the Alps, almost unattended. The night was 
dark and rainy, and the fugitive monarch was obliged 
to ride in a litter, being at that time afflicted with 
the gout. 

We must refer the reader to the histories of Ger- 
many for a detail of those events, which compelled 
the emperor to -abandon all his ambitious projects. 
He found, notwithstanding his great resources, that 
so far from governing Europe, he could not even gov- 
ern Germany accoi-ding to his desire. A short time 
after this, therefore, at the celebrated peace of Passau, 
Charles fully recognized the claims of the Protes- 
tants, allowing them the free exercise of their reli- 
gion according to the confession of Auj^sburgh; and 
the government of Germany recovered the state in 
which it was before the aggressions of Charles V. 
But the most humbling stroke, which he received 
from Germany, was the refusal of the electoral col- 
lege to secure to his son Philip the imperial crown ; 
which being given to his biolher Ferdinand, the eves 
of that povi^erful and ambitious prince were fully 
opened, and he saw the object, with which he had 
long flattered himself, of a mighty and glorious em- 
pire in his own line, now vanish away, as a vain illu- 
sion, or an empty dream. An empire, like those of 
Cyrus, Alexander and Cesar, cannot be founded by 
the force of civil policy. It must be the offspring 



GERM ANT. 35 

of war and conquest. As a statesman Charles was 
great : but annong his rivals and enemies, he found 
uearly his match. Henry Vlfl. Leo X. Francis I. 
and Solyman the Magnificent, were, at least some of 
them, not much his inferiors. But Maurice, a man 
who rose up, as it were under his shadow, was far 
his superior in whatever relates to an accomplished 
statesman. The writer of the History of Modern Eu- 
rope makes no hesitation to assert, that " perhaps no 
prince, ancient or modern, ever discovered such deep 
political sagacity at so early a period of life :" nor 
indeed are there any known reasons for preferring 
his political to his military talents. 

Maurice, having effectually humbled Charles, re- 
stored the Germanic constitution, and confirmed the 
religious liberties of Germany, seemed to bid fair to 
become one of the greatest actors in the great drama 
of modern Europe; but in gaining a victory over Al- 
bert of Brandenburg, who had for some time infested 
the neighboring countries with depredations, he lost 
his life in the thirty-second year of his age. 

Divine Providence, when it determined to establish 
the reformation in Germany, saw fit to preserve the 
life of Luther in the midst of his enemies and sur- 
rounded with dangers. But it is remarkable, that 
three of the most illustrious defenders of Protestant- 
ism, were cut off in the flower of youth, in the com- 
mencement of their career, and when they seemed 
able to accomplish the most important and salutary 
changes; Maurice, of Saxony, Gustavus Adolphus of 
Sweden, and Henry IV. of France. 

Charles V. governed the most extensive empire 
known in history.* It comprehended Germany, the 
Netherlands, Spain, Italy and territories in America 
larger than all Europe. Had be been as prone to 
war, as some men have been, it would seem as though 
his empire might have been universal. Charles, 
however, in the fifty-sixth year of his age, astonished 

•The Russian empire should undoubtedly be excepted.— Ed. 



4^6 GERMAN V« 

Europe, by the resignation of all his extensive domin- 
ions. Great as they were, he probably renounced 
th^m in disgust, because he could not make them 
greater. Indeed the first rivals of his glory were no 
more. Henry and Francis, his youthful competitors, 
were gone from the stage of action ; his favorite 
schemes were defeated, and forever abandoned ; and 
we may conjecture, that he sickened at the unsub- 
stantial enjoyment of power and dominion. He re- 
tired to the monastery of St. Justus in the province 
of Estramadura in Spain, where he spent two or three 
of his last years in philosophical speculations, literary 
pursuits, rural amusements and religious devotions. 
But no force of resignation, nor form of reasoning 
could reconcile him to so great a change : and the 
retrospect whether of scenes of grandeur or of guilt, 
whether of fallacious hopes or blasted ambition, prov- 
ed a canker to all his enjoyments, covered him with 
melancholy, and hastened the decay of his health. 
He died in the fifty-ninth year of his age, exhibiting 
a striking proof of the vanity of human ambition. 

During the reign of Charles V. the German em- 
pire seemed to be at its utmost point of elevation, and 
was able to preserve a lofty and menacing attitude 
toward the neighboring powers ; so that even the 
greatest of all the Turkish monarchs was willing to 
retire at the approach of Charles V. rather than to 
endure a conflict with that powerful prince ; as al- 
ready noticed. 

Perhaps no nation, for the space of twenty centu- 
ries, ever produced more good soldiers, or underwent 
more hard fighting, than the Germans. And although 
the imperial dignity of Germany has been regarded, 
as the first in Europe ; yet the essential defects, inter- 
woven in the frame and constitution of the Germanic 
body, have rendered it weak, and liable to decay and 
dissolution.* Since the reign of Charles V. its im- 

* In the year 1806. Francis II. resigned the crown of the G§in 
tnan emp^-e, the ancient Germanic body was dissolved, and severaU 



SPAIN. 37 

portance among the belligerent powers of Europe, 
has, for the nnost part, experienced a gradual decline. 

A vacanc}' in the inriperial throne is supplied by an 
electoral college, consistinng of nine electors, viz. the 
Archbishop of Mentz, the Archbishop of Triers, the 
Archbishop of Cologne, the Elector of Bohemia, the 
Elector of Saxony, the Elector of Brandenburgh, the 
Elector of Palatine and the Elector of Hanover. 
But we can say little more of the Germanic body, in 
this place, than that it consists of about 300 petty 
princes, who are almost independent in their own do- 
minions. Many of those princes are proud, poor and 
oppressive; and their subjects are servile, stupid and 
submissive. The German empire is a vast unwieldy 
body, more kept together by the pressure of external 
causes, than by any internal principle of union. 

Germany has produced vast numbers of learned 
and ingenious men. In useful discoveries and inven- 
tions, their plodding and apparently heavy genius, 
has perhaps excelled that of every other nation in 
the world. But it is ardently to be wished, that the 
Germans had a better government, and more virtue. 
It is evident, that essential deficiencies in these im- 
portant respects, have long been undermining their 
tottering fabric, and have at last brought them to the 
brink of ruin. 

SPAIN. 

OF the history of Spain, very little notice has been 
taken in any part of this compend. When the Ro- 
man empire fell in pieces, the Spaniards were left to 
struggle with their own vices and depravity ; and a 
hard struggle it was. Neither its history nor geog- 

German states united denominating" themselves the Confederation of 
the Rhine. Of this Confederation, Bonaparte was acknowledged the 
head. In the year 1815, after the overthrow of Bonaparte, a new 
union was fornsed amonp: the states of Gei-many under the title of 
the Germanic Confederation. This, however, appears to be very 
different from the former union. — Ed. 



38 SPAIN. 

raphy is very well known, even to the present d^yl 
The Gothic and Saracen invasions both essentially 
affected Spain : but the affairs of Spain were very 
little connected with those of Europe, in general^ 
till a little before the reign of Charles V. That 
powerful monarch, inheriting Spain in the right of 
his mother, and Germany in that of his grandfather, 
long meditated the ambitious project of universal em- 
pire : but Providence had seated on the thrones of 
the other European powers, princes capable of pene- 
trating and baffling all his designs. 

Charles V. after having for many years involved all 
Europe in w^ar, finding his ambition likely to fail of 
its ultimate object, abdicated his dominions to his son 
Philip II. who succeeded him in the government of 
Spain and the Low Countries. Philip was a gloomy 
bigot, more fit for a mendicant, than a legislator, or 
for a monk, than a monarch; but he entered on hia 
public career, with greater resources, than any other 
monarch of modern times. To render his reign il- 
lustrious, therefore, by some grand exploit, he deter- 
mined on the project of conquering Great Britian ; a 
project, v;hich has often originated on the continent. 
To this measure, he was impelled by two rijotives ; 
first, that he might establish his own power and fame 
as a conqueror; and, secondly, that, in the name of 
the holy church, he might take vengeance on an 
apostate, heretical, and reprobate nation, who, since 
the time of Henry Vlil. had rebelled against the see 
of Rome. 

Philip, having determined on his important enter- 
prise, made the most active and powerfui exertions. 
The ports of Europe, from the mouth of the Elbe to 
the Strait of Gribraltar, resounded with naval pre- 
parations. At length a fleet was put to sea, pompously 
styled the Invincible Armada, of size almost sufficient 
to shade the British Channel. This tirmada carried 
not only a great army, thought sufficient to carry off 
England by handfuls, but a multitude of priests, holy 



SPAIN. S9 

fathers, confessors and inquisitors ; together with a 
court of inquisition conriplete, with all sorts of en- 
gines and instruments of torture belonging to that 
hellish tribunal. With these, they intended to enter 
upon the conversion of such of the English people, 
as should escape the sword. 

As the armada approached, they were met by the 
English fleet, commanded by Admiral Lord Howard 
and Sir Francis Drake ; and the Spanish ships to the 
amount of nearly one hundred sail, were burnt, sunk, 
or taken. The remnant were mostly dispersed and 
lost in a tempest; a few of them in attempting to 
make their escape round the north of Scotland, were 
picked up, one by one, or wrecked on the shoals of 
the Orkney or Hebride islands. 

Excepting this celebrated expedition, Philip II. did 
little during his inglorious reign, but murder and tor- 
ment the Protestants in the Low Countries. Those 
provinces at length revolted from him, erected the 
standard of liberty, and, after a long and bloody war, 
gained their freedom and independence; which they 
maintained with dignity and honor. For nearly a 
century, they disputed the empire of the sea with 
BHitain. But they no longer exist as a free people- 
They are forever swallowed up in the vortex of th€ 
French re#olution. 

Whatever shadow of liberty existed in Spain, was 
obliterated by Charles V. and Philip II.; and their suc- 
cessors, though among the feeblest of princes, reigned 
and tyrannized at pleasure. When by the policy of 
Louis XIV. the crown of Spain was transferred to the 
house of Bourbon, it served rather to diminish, than 
to increase, the importance of the Spanish monarchy. 
Since France has become a republic^ under the mild 
administration of Napoleon, Spain scarcely dares to 
assume the style or attitude of independence; but is 
submissively waiting to receive the fraternal embrace^ 
which shall forever unite her to the great nation,* 

• From the Iron grasp of the French, the Spanish were delivered 
,by the English under Lord Wellington. " In the year 1808 fcr- 



40 spAm. 

The geographer will perceive Portugal on the map 
of Europe ; and the historian will find, that it was 
once of some consequence as an independent state. 
Its present insignificance, however, and its general 
dependence on its more powerful neighbors, render 
it not worth our while to notice its history, in this 
very cursory survey of nations. 

The reader will indulge us in a few reflections on 
the history of Spain, before we quit the subject. It 
is allowed by all geographers, that Spain possesses a 
most delightful climate and productive soil. " No 
nation," says Guthrie, " owes so much to nature, 
and so little to industry and art, for their subsistence, 
as Spain." They have scarcely any winter. Their 
summers are long and delightful. Their lands pro- 
duce, and almost spontaneously, all the substantials, 
as well as the luxuries of life. Nature seems to 
have designed it, as one of the most charming coun- 
tries in the world. It is of great extent, and is sur- 
rounded by the noblest oceans and seas — has excel- 
lent harbors, and poi-sesses, both internally and ex- 
ternally, every natural advantage, which a nation 
could wish. 

<linand VII. became king of Spain, in consequence of his father's ali- 
dication. He was soon after inveigled into France, where he was de- 
posed and made prisoner by Napoleon, who placed hiPbwn brother 
Joseph upon the Spanish throne. A general revolt of the Span- 
iards ensued. The British supported them with numerous armies ; 
and after various success, the French were finally expelled from 
the peninsula in 1813. In 1814, Ferdinand was restored to the 
throne, and proceeded to persecute the patriots, who had assisted 
in his restoration After six years of oppression and misgovernment, 
a revolution was happily effected in 1820, and a free constitution 
established." Spain is now, therefore, a limited monarchy. It will 
not be surprising, however, if another revolution should soon plunge 
and bury her in the dead sea of despotism. Still it is to be hoped, 
that a germ of liberty has taken root in that country, never to be 
eradicated. 

The above quotation is taken, with a few verbal alterations. 
From the admirable Atlas of Lavoisne, lately published with great 
additions and improvements, by M. Carey and Sons ; a work, that 
does very gre?it honor both to the authors and to the publishers. 



SPAIN. 41 

But what is Spain at this day ? what are its inhab- 
itants, its goveriiment, and its character. Its popula- 
tion is thifi; its inhabitants, if we may rely on the 
testimony of travellers, are a poor, lazy, idle, dirty, 
ignorant race of almost semi-savages. Their govern- 
ment, though despotic, is weak ; and their name and 
character, as a nation, are contemptible. 

This degraded state of the nation, may be princi- 
pally attributed to the gold and silver extorted from 
the mines of Mexico and i'eru.* By an abundance 
of those precious metals, these people were aggran- 
dized, corrupted, inebriated and undone. When they 
conquered Mexico and Peru, and it was discovered, 
that the bowels of the earth contained such inex- 
haustible treasures, they thought no object worthy 
of their pursuit but gold and silver, and of conse- 
quence, soon became dependent on their neighbors 
for every article of commerce. With these, they re- 
warded and enriched the industrious nations around 
them, and became themselves, poor, proud and de- 
pendent. 

By the same means, the Spanish colonies in South 
America were ruined. In imitation of their mother 
country, they despised every pursuit, but that of dig- 
ging up the shining ore. They despised agriculture ; 
they neglected commerce ; they disregarded every 
art and every science, but that of getting the precious 
metals. And what are they now? They are Span- 
iards, Indians and mongrels. They may revolt from 
Spain a thousand limes ; yet if they do not revolt 
from her character and conduct, and alter their owd, 
it will do nothing for them. Mirandas may revolu- 
tionize them; for if they become not a laborious, in- 
dustrious, agricultural, commercial people, they will 
only be transmuted from bad to worse ; it will avail 
them nothing. 

• Had the Spaaish been enli,;^htened Protestants, there is no 
reason to believe, that the effects ef gold upon them would have 
been so dreadful.— E». 
24 



42 FRANCE. 

How diiferent from their conduct, was that of the 
British colonies, now the United States! They had 
no nr)ines of silver and gold. They had before them 
the boundless forests of an uncultivated continent, and 
beneath their {eei^ a productive soil, which tliey en- 
countered with persevering industry. The forests 
melted away; the lands were cultivated ; the people 
became numerous, prosperous, and powerful; and, in 
less than two centuries, the country has become the 
most flourishing and happy in the universe. 

Spain has had the advantage of very few men of 
uncommon learning or genius. The revival of litera- 
ture was less beneficial to her, than to any other na- 
tion in Europe. She can boast, indeed, of a Tostatus, 
said to be the most voluminous theological writer, 
that ever wrote ; but his writings, it is also said, are 
remarkable for nothing, but their bulk ; and are 
shown as a prodigy, consisting, if we mistake not, of 
above fifty volumes in folio. Crushed beneath the 
double tyranny of kings and priests, the arts and 
sciences could never flourish in Spain. There the 
gloomy reign of superstition is seen at full length ; 
and without any check, has displayed all its horrors. 
As to the people of Spain, it is of little consequence 
how soon they change masters. Their condition 
cannot well be worse; nor indeed, is it likely to be 
made better. 



CHAPTER VI. 

CONTINUATION OF THE VIEW OF EUROPE, SINCE THE COM- 
MENCEMENT OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 

FRANCE. 

TO every Englishman, and to every American, the 
history of France, next to that of England, is by far, 
the most important of any European historj'. The 



PRANCE. 43 

French, for many ages, have been a brave, polite and 
scientific people. Since the times of Charlennagne, 
and especiaily since the reign of Francis 1. the power 
of Fiance, its central situation and profound policy, 
have given it an extensive connexion "vvith all the 
principal concerns of Europe. 

For the long period between the ninth and six- 
teenth centuries, the fortunes of France, like those of 
the rest of Europe, were, fluctuating and unsteady. At 
each return of prosperity, however, thej rose higher 
on the general scale, and gained a more commanding 
situation. In the first part of the 15th century, 
Henry V. of England, conquered France, and receiv- 
ed, in Paris, the fealty of the French nobility, and 
the crown of France seemed apparently confirmed to 
him and his posterity. But, Henry dying in the 34th 
year of his age, the valor of the celebrated maid of 
Orleans restored the drooping atfairs of France, set- 
tled the crown firmly on the head of Charles VII. 
and within ten years from her being a British province, 
she was again independent, more powerful than she 
bad ever been, and nearly able to conquer Britain, 
then ^cyerned bv Henry VI. the feeblest and most 
miserable of all the English monarcbsi. 

In virtue of that conquest by Henry V. the kings 
of England have since pompously styled themselves 
kin^s of Great Britian, France and Ireland.* 

Francis I. though one of the most accomplished 
princes of his time, spent a long reign in planning 
schemes of ambition, which proved abortive — in wars 
generally unsuccessful, and in artful and tedious ne- 
gociations, at which he was a match for any of his 
cotemporaries. Disappointed in his hopes of being 
elected emperor of Germany, his whole life was i 
scene of rivalship with Charles V. the successful 
candidate for that high dignity. The slov/ and sul- 
len temper of Charles, his cool and profound thought, 

* The Btitish king- is now styled, " King of Great^Britain and 
Ireland, Defender of the Faith, and so fortli/'-r-ED. 



44 FRANCE, 

and his firm and even courage, always gave him the 
advantage of Francis, when in projeciing, there was 
danger from the undue infl.; 'nee of passion, or when 
in action, there was danger froai temerity. 

In the course of their cofUentions, which were 
perpetually embittered by personal animosity, and 
which could only end with life, Francis unfortunately 
became Charles' prisoner. An advantage so great 
and decided as this, would forever have ruined 
almost any prince but Francis. In the true spirit 
and character of a Frenchman, Francis bore this ca- 
lamity with a more equal mind, than most men hear 
prosperity ; and he soon gained his freedom. By an 
address, which few monarchs ever possessed in a 
greater degree than himself, he wound his tortuous 
course out of a labyrinth of difficulties, and found 
himself able once more to look his powerful rival in 
the face. 

It is an uncommon case, that Francis, notwith- 
standing his numerous misfortunes and the failure of 
most of his favorite schemes, left his kingdom at his 
death, far more powerful, prosperous, and respectable^ 
than he fgynd iU It was his lot to contend v.'ith very 
potent enemies ; but Francis was a most accomplish- 
ed prince. Such was the benevolence, the amiable- 
ness, the urbanity of his mind and character, that his 
courtiers loved him as a brother; and his subjects in 
general, revered and respected him as a father. His 
more powerful rivals merited far less of their subjects, 
and enjoyed their affections far less, than he did. It 
is the remark of an excellent historian, that the repu- 
tation and fame of Francis have risen in proportion, 
as those who came after him had opportunity to 
perceive the permanent benefits, his administration 
conferred on his people. 

It will be impossible to speak distinctly of the 
kings of France; it being the design of this brief sur- 
vey, merely to convey to the young reader, a general 
idea of the rise, progress and character of nations. 



FRANCE. 45 

There is one event, however, in the succeeding reigns 
which renders it proper to call up the successor of 
Francis to view. 

Francis I. was succeeded by his son Henry II. 
who was a prince not unworthy of the character of 
his illustrious father. His wars with Germany, were 
generally more successful than those of his predeces- 
sor, whose hostile temper towards that neighboring 
power he had largely imbibed. This prince took 
Calais from the English ; since which time they have 
had no footing in France. He was killed at a tour- 
nament by count Montgomery, A. D. 1559. 

The history of France, from this period till the 
reign of Lewis XIV. commonly called the Augustan 
age of France, opens an ardent and interesting scene 
of policy, chicanery, the caprice of fortune, cruelty 
and bravery, with some virtue. Several great fami- 
lies and illustrious characters rose into public view. 
The houses of Guise, Conde and Bourbon became 
celebrated through Europe ; and by their intrigues 
and conspiracies, influenced not only the French 
government, but shook its throne, and governed tlie 
politics of Europe. The Protestant religion had 
made great progress in France, and being espoused 
by many very powerful men, persecutions terminated 
in civil wars, and in some of the most horrid scenes 
of blood and cruelty, recorded in history. The hor- 
rors of the massacre of St. Bartholomew's day, in 
1572, exceed all the powers of description. Thirty 
thousand persons perished in one night, in Paris, and 
other parts of France; among whom fell the famous 
admiral Coligni. This was during the minority of 
the bloody Charles IX. 

The Protestants were led by the prince of Conde, 
and the Catholics, by the duke of Guise, two of the 
most celebrated personages, as well as able com- 
manders of their time. Rivers of blood were shed ; 
and all the resources of a great and numerous people 
were exhausted in various struggles j while it still 
34* 



46 FRANCE. 

seemed doubtful, whether the scale would turn in fa- 
vor of Protestantism or of Rome. Murders, assassi- 
nations, massacres and plots of every kind, filled every 
corner of France with terror ; the blackest atrocities 
incrimsoned the whole nation with guilt, and rendered 
it " a land of blood." The German princes, the pope, 
the kings of Spain and England were active, by their 
emissaries, in this scene of horror, and abetted each 
party, as interest or inclination prompted. 

In the midst of these commotions, the celebrated 
Henry IV. ascended the throne of France. He 
gained that lofty eminence, by making his way 
through numberless impediments. Among many ex- 
pedients, he resorted to one, which the politician may 
justify, but which the impartial narrator of truth can- 
not mention without disi,jpprobation. He abjured the 
Protestant, and embraced the Catholic religion, as 
the only step which could advance him to the throne ; 
in which feint, he seems to have followed the exam- 
ple of the celebrated Maurice, and he resembled him 
no less in his untimely death. This was regarded as 
a pious fraud ; since it is generally believed, that he 
never altered his sentiments concerning religion ; 
and that he still determined, as soon as opportunity 
should present, to favor and establish the Protestant 
cause. But Providence seems to have determined, 
that this unhappy country, so deeply polluted by the 
blood of innocence, should never be purged, but by 
the blood of the guilty.* 

As of the illustrious Henry V. of England, so of 
Henry IV. of France, we can only conjecture what 
would have been the result of a long reign, by the 
brilliant exploits, which he performed in a very short 
one — by the amazing energy, which he manifested — 
by the comprehensive views — by the amiableness, 
ihe elevation, and grandeur of mind, he displayed, in 
so short a career. 

Henry applied himself with wonderful address to 
the siffairs of government, and especially to meliorate 
* Rev. XV. 5> 6. 



FRANCE. 47 

the condition of his subjects. In these innportant and 
benevolent pursuits, he was aided by the celebrated 
duke of Sully, the ablest statesman of his time. In 
1698, he published the famous edict of Nantz, which 
gave free liberty of conscience to ihe Protestants, and 
allowed them in the public exercise of their religion. 
He encouraged, or rather founded, the silk manufac- 
tories in France. 

This illustrious prince was assassinated in his 
chariot, in the streets of Paris, in 1610, by a wretch- 
ed enthusiast, whose name should never have polluted 
the page of history. 

The son and successor of Henry IV. was Lewis 
XIII. He, by the aid of the powerful and ambitious 
Richlicu, crushed, at once, the nascent liberties of 
France. He violated the rights of conscience, de- 
prived the Protestants of every privilege, and put a 
period to the religious struggles, which had subsisted 
for nearly a century, and had destroyed above a mii- 
lion of men. 

During Richlieu's administration, the famous Pro- 
testant league was formed among the Northern Pow- 
ers ; at the head of which, was the great Gustavus 
Adolphus, king of Sweden. This formidable combi- 
nation in favor of Protestantism, and which sevcicly 
shook the German throne, originated in the profound 
policy of Richlieu, the very man, who had persecuted 
and destroyed that cause in France. 

The reign of Lewis XIII. prepared France for the 
Augustus of modern times. He died in 1643, and 
left as his successor, his son, the celebrated Lewis 
Xiy, then in his minority. The kingdom was dis- 
turbed and torn by factions and intestine broils. The 
Protestants gathering strength on the death of Rich- 
lieu and Lewis, were headed by a Prince of Conde, 
far more celebrated than the former ; and the Catho- 
lics were led by the truly famous marshal Turenne, 
The mother of the young king assumed the adminis^ 
tration ; and, by the policy of Cardinal Mazarine, not 



I 



48 FRANCE. 

only governed France, but was able to manoeuvre the 
diplomatic corps of every court in Europe. 

The affairs of the French government had been 
conducted with such consummate skill, that Lewis 
Xiy. when he assumed the reins, found himself one 
of the most absolute monarchs in the world. Early 
in his reign, he had the discernment and good for- 
tune to appoint, as his first minister, the great Colbert, 
as he is very justly styled. 

The glory of France has been essentially owing 
to the abilities and virtue of a series of great men, 
who sat at the helm of administration. In this 
respect it is probable, that no other nation was ever 
so fortunate as France. For more than a century, 
without any cessation, the reins of government were 
holden with strength, stability, dignity and wisdom. 
They were holden by men of the greatest genius, the 
most extensive views, the clearest foresight, and 
greatest regularity of system ; in short, by men of the 
utmost grandeur and elevation of mind, always acting 
in reference to the sublimest views of national pros- 
perity and greatness. Such were Sully, Richlieu, 
Mazarine, Colbert and some others. These things, 
however, cannot be said of them all, without some 
qualification. Though aiming, and that successfully, 
at national aggrandizement, yet some of their mea- 
sures were dictated by a degree of cruelty, pride and 
injustice, which cast a mournful shade over the pros- 
pect — otherwise splendid and noble, almost beyond 
mortal perfection. 

Lewis XIV. aided by such powerful men, enjoyed 
a long, glorious and important reign ; to write the 
history of which, would be, in effect, to write the 
history of Europe, during that period.* The diplo- 
matic science, if so it may be called, begun by his 
predecessors, he carried on with a much higher 
hand, and probably perfected. He found means to 
fill all the courts of Europe with penetrating eyeSj" 

* See Voltaire's Age of Lewis XIV» 



FRANCE. 49 

listening ears, skilful hands and nimble feet. He 
plotted, negotiated, intrigued, deceived, and cajoled. 
Men who were ccrrupUble, he bribed ; and even 
bought all such as were worth his money. 

Flis abundant success in managing the concerns of 
England^ can scaixely be read without laughter, or, 
at any rale, without admiration. England, at that 
time, just landed from a disastrous voyage on ''the 
temj)ei!.tuous sea of libeity," was governed by the 
second Charles, a prince who cared for nothi.ng, but 
his pleai-urcs and debaucheries. If Lewis found him 
rather an expensive retainer, he also found the un- 
erring clue to manage him and his people. Money, 
disposed of with diplomatic skill, did the work. And 
it is almost incredible, that, in spite of all the virtue 
of England, Lewis did actually govern both parties 
then existing. He held them both in his hand at 
once, and unsuspected by them, penetrated the coun- 
sels, gained the confidence, and dictated the measures 
of both. Botli whig and tory were his tools ; and 
while he urged on the tyranny of the court, and in- 
flamed the iavviess ambition of king Charles, he blew 
up the living coals of patriotic lire, and organized a 
most extensive conspiracy, called the Rye-house Plot ; 
in the bosom of which, he formed a still deeper plot, 
to assassinate the king, and revolutionize the govern- 
ment. 

Into these dangerous and daring scliemes, he drew 
many of the noblest lords of England, and still more 
of the virtuous commons, who wefe ready to sell their 
lives to save their country ; but who, through an 
unlucky mistake, sold their consciences for hithy 
lucre. Lewis played the same game \u several other 
courts of Europe, and particularly in Sweden, whose 
fall may be ascribed to French seduction. 

The elevation of France, in this splendid reign, was 
not more conspicuous in her foreign relations, than 
in her internal circumstances. Lewis encouraged 
the arts and sciences; patronized men of learning j 



50 FRANCE. 

and his reign was adorned by several men, whose 
names are highly respectable in the republic of letters. 

Ambition was the nriost conspicuous trait in the 
character of Lewis. But his reign was marked with 
various circumstances of injustice, cruehy and im- 
policy. The most notorious of these, was tlie revo- 
cation of the edict of Nantz, in 1685, passed eighty- 
seven years before, by his illustrious grandfather, 
Henry JV. This was little better than a law for ex- 
terminating the Protestants. They fled from his do- 
minions in such multitudes, as to leave many places 
without inhabitants. They carried with them, into 
other countries, and especially into England, the arts 
and sciences. He lost his ablest artizans and me- 
chanics; and from that time and that cause, England 
gained the ascendancy over France, as a manufactur- 
ing country. 

But the latter part of the life of Lewis XIY. as of 
Charles V. was as unhappy, as the first part of it was 
prosperous. His greatness could not raise him above 
adversity. For ten years, he experienced the bitter- 
est reverses of fortune. The powers of Europe, 
alarmed at his overgrown greatnes6<, and exa^pcraied 
by his pride and insolence, formed a combination 
against him. Two men appeared in tise field, who 
were able to humble his vanity, and rescue F^urope 
from his oppression. The Austrian armies were 
commanded by prince Eugene, and the English, by 
the duke of Marlborough, one of the most celebrated 
commanders of modern times, and thought, by some, 
never to have been excelled in any age or nation. 
Marlborough and Eugene defeated and cut in pieces 
whatever forces Lewis sent into the field ; they took 
from him roost of his conquests; they entered his do- 
niinions with their victorious armies, and spread a ter- 
ror and consternation not much inferior to that of 
Henry V. In short, they shook the foundations of his 
throne, and not only humbled the haughty tyrant, 
but made him tremble for his crown and empire. 



PRANCE. 51 

This desolating war wag closed at the peace of 
Utrecht in 1713; and France, by the preposterous 
policy of the British ministry, was snved from a vic- 
torious arm, which seemed ah!e to have recovered 
and re-established the claims of H^nry V. and to have 
given law to thp great natioru Two years after the 
peace of Utrecht, on the first of September, 1715, 
Lewis XI y. expired, aft*^r having experienced the 
vicissitudes of fortune, and exhibited an example of 
this truth, that no mortal, however exaltrd, is beyond 
the reach of the shafts of affliction and adversity. 
Lewis mi^jht have said with hir brotlier Charles V. 
that *• Fortune, like other females, loves to confer 
her favors upon young men." 

The ancient monarchy of France, especially during 
the Feudal System, was extremely limited. The spirit 
of freedom and independence, which prevailed in 
Europe, was no where more visible, than in France. 
The people held various important and powerful 
checks upon the crown. But these, for want of a 
proper balance and distribution of powers, wore grad- 
ually away; and the royal prerogative prevailed 
against justice and inalienable right. Yet still the 
flame of liberty would, at times, break forth and burn 
with great strength, till it was wasted by its own im- 
petuosity, or extinguished by the regular advances of 
despotic power. Next to the reign of Augustus, that 
of Lewis XIV. was most successful in quelling, silenc- 
ing, and utterly destroying, all notions of civil liberty 
and of equal rights. The French people were se- 
verely taught to tremble at the power and resentment 
of Lewis ; they were fascinated by his artful, winning 
and insidious wiles; they were astonished and won 
over by his munificence; they were dazzled by his 
glory ; and they were made to believe, that to " bask 
in the meridian blaze" of so splendid a monarchy, 
was their highest happiness. 

The reign of Lewis XV. was distinguished by few 
events worthy of particular notice in this brief sur- 



B2 FRANCE. 

vey. Ambitious without abilities, and proud without 
energy, his life wasted away in the fading splendors 
of a court, so lately illuminated by a monarch of su- 
perior powers. During this reign, the principal ob- 
jects, which will engage the attention of ihe reader 
of histury, are the capture of the island of Corsica; 
the suppression of the Jesuits in France; the causes 
of the gradual decline of the power and importance 
of France among the powers of Europe. But for 
the investigation of these subjects, the reader must 
be referred to other histories of France. 

On the 10th of May, 1774, the unfortunate Lewis 
XVI. ascended the throne. We have now arrived 
at a period, in which our readers are acquainti d with 
many more incidents, than can have a place in this 
work. We shall close on this article by stating a 
very few things, which are most commonly known, 
concerning one of the most important, most eventful 
revolutions recorded in the annals of time 5 a revolu- 
tion, which derives importance to us, on account of 
our commercial and political relations ; and especially 
by reason of its very recent date, and the vast conse- 
quences likely to flow from it. 

It has been generally thought, that France never 
enjoyed a more amiable, a more virtuously disposed 
monarch, than Lewis XVL His misfortune from 
nature, if that can be called a misfortune, in which 
both kings and people are so generally involved, was 
the want of those extraordinary powers of mind, 
which are always useful, and, on certain emergencies, 
indispensable in kings. It is doubtful, whether, if he 
had possessed the mental powers of some of his pre- 
decessors, he would not have suppressed the revolu- 
tionizing spirit, and preserved the tranquility of his 
dominions. So far from doing that, when the storm 
arose, the weaknesses he betrayed, increased the 
tumult, drew destruction upon himself, and the guilt 
of innocent blood upon his country. 



FRANCE. 53 

We often contemplate, with horror, the excessive 
sufferings of mankind through the tyranny and op- 
pression of their rulers. We as often wonder, that 
any rational being, endowed with passions, and at all 
capable of self-defence or of revenge, will endure 
what so large a proportion of mankind endure from 
their fellow-creatures, w^iO govern them. They are 
insulted, degraded, and tampled in the dust. Their 
rights are torn from ti em — they are deprived of 
every enjoyment. The scanty earnings of their 
painful labors must be cheerfully given up, to pamper 
the luxury of a wanton wretch, before whom they 
must cringe, and bow, and adore. Why will they 
endure all this? Because, alas ! their case is hopeless. 
Their disease admits no remedy. The experience 
of all ages and nations has confirmed and illustrated 
the truth, that insurrection, revenge and revolution, 
do but plunge them deeper in misery, and expedite 
their destruction. 

Lewis XIV. as already noted, had extinguished 
every ray of liberty, and even of hope; and his im- 
mediate successor had neither virtue nor abilities to 
remedy the evils of the government, or the sufferings 
of the people. The clergy, the nobility, and the king, 
were each of them at the head of a separate system of 
tyranny; so that, in addition to the most cruel and 
odious oppression of the clergy, the people were 
crushed by an immense monarchy, and ground to 
powder by a still more formidable aristocracy. Many, 
therefore, took part in the revolution from a just and 
laudable desire to remedy their condition. Having 
little fear of a worse state, they were determined to 
try to obtain a better. A strong remembrance of the 
recent fall and ruin of the Jesuits, taught them how 
easily the most powerful men are overthrown, when 
the multitude are roused and determined to take 
vengeance. 

The restless spirit which predisposes many far 
tumult and commotion, was a powerful mover in the 
25 



54 FRANCE. 

revolution. Such love to be in a bustle. The noise 
of an uproar is to them the sweetest music. Even the 
cry o( fire gives them a kind of ecstasy, provided 
their own hovel is not in danger. They love to rush 
with a multitude into enterprise ; and by how much 
greater is their number, by so much fiercer their en- 
thusiasm flames. Although such men are the scum 
or dregs of society, they are fit tools in a revolution ; 
and seldom would any great and sudden revolution 
take place without them. Luckily for the revolu- 
tionist, they are found in abundance in all nations, 
and especially in France. 

The more enlightened people of France, had no 
hope of erecting a free and virtuous republic upon 
the ruins of monarchy. Their utmost wish extend- 
ed only to a salutary reform in the government. 
They wished to limit the royal prerogative, and open 
some prospect for the encouragement of industry and 
laudable enterprise, by giving security to property. 
No people will be industrious, unless they can be 
made secure in the fruits of their labor. The peo- 
ple of France had no security in this respect. A 
large portion of their income must go to replenish 
the royal revenue; another portion must be paid into 
the church-treasury, to augment the enormous wealth 
of tyrannical, haughty and vicious clergy. Besides 
all this, every poor man washable to the exactions of 
bis master, land-holder or temporal lord. Each of 
these species of exactions was ordinary or extraordi- 
nary; when ordinary, they took a great part of a 
man's earnings ; when extraordinary, they took all. 
Thus a wretched laborer was often stripped of all he 
had, and then, to complete his misery, dragged to the 
fleet or army, and forced to leave his family to perish 
for want of bread. 

To remedy these monstrously overgrown evils, be- 
nevolent people were willing to set a revolution on 
foot, tending merely to a salutary reform ; but while 
they were carefully nursing the tender infant^ and 



TRANCIJ, 55 

fostering it with gentlest hands, like Hercules, it rose 
formidable from its cradle, and crushed them to death 
hy thousands and bj millions. In truth, the vail sud- 
denly dropped from the eyes of the people, and they 
saw, in their full light, the horrors of their condition. 
With one universal, strong, reiterated struggle, ihey 
attempted to rise, and plunged themselves " ten ihou- 
sond fathom deep,'''' 

The prevalence of infidel philosophy, or, as it has 
been styled, llluminism, in France, had a powerful 
influence in bringing about the revolution. Those 
philosophers, with great apparent justice, availed 
themselves of the enormous corruptions of the reli- 
gious orders, and the abuses of Christianity abounding 
in the church ; they ridiculed the idea of the divine 
right of kings, and artfully laid open the oppressive 
tyranny of civil government. Under a robe, which, 
to the unwary observer, appeared pure and spotless, 
they concealed the most atrocious, vile and blas- 
phemous sentiments concerning all government, both 
human and divine. They set up human reason as 
the only light, the only standard of authority, the 
only deity in the universe. They wished to bring 
mardiin'd into such a perfect state of freedom, that 
all restraint upon their conduct should be laid aside, 
together with all distinction of property. They 
wished to abolish, absolutely, all law, to annihilate 
all ohliiJ^alion, and, in a word, all distinction betwee^n 
virtue and vice. 

This dangerous philosophy prevailed in France; 
and among its disciples, were many of the most emi- 
nent literary characters in the kingdom. Indeed, it 
pervaded all orders of people ; and men of this de- 
scription filled the universities, sustained the most 
important offices of state, and were, in great numbers, 
in the court and about the person of the king. The 
savor of their doctrines, and the weight of personal 
influence, put in motion, by degrees, innumerable 
wheels apd springs of the revolution ; and, when they 



55 »RAN«E. 

perceived things going according to their wish, they 
were at hand to project the most dangerous and daring 
schemes, and to develope the horrid extent of their 
views and wishes. 

The armies of France had been e3^e-witnes?es of the 
success of the American revolution. They had seen 
a glimpse of the independence, freedom and happi- 
ness of the United States ; and had imbibed a portion 
of the same heroic, invincible spirit, which animated 
the fathers of our happy country. Glowing with sj^m- 
pathy and delight, they carried the borrowed flame 
across the Atlantic. They painted, in lively colors, 
to their countrymen, the pleasing sceries they had 
witnessed; and they affected, most powerfully, the 
imaginations of that gay and volatile people, with 
dreams of fancied bliss. They said to themselves, 
" Shall the Americans alone be free ? and must 
Frenchmen forever groan with painful servitude ?" 
Each peasant became a politician ; and freedom was 
all his theme. Liberty inspired the speculations of 
the philosopher and the maxims and dogmas of the 
sage. It resounded in the ditties of the milk-maid 
and plough-boy, and enlivened the songs of the shep- 
herd and shepherdess. Unhappy people ! Would to 
Heaven you might have gained and long enjoyed, that 
rational freedom, which you saw at a distance, hut 
could never realize ! In a word, the wild enthusiasm 
seized the lower orders ; it ascended to the higher 
ranks of people, and surrounded and overturned the 
throne. Its progress was like that of fire ; and its 
devestations like those of the destroying angel. 

Multituiles of men pushed forward the revolution, 
actuated only by the base and selfish consideration, 
that a popular form of government gives power and 
consequence to much the greatest number of men ; 
and of course, gives greater hopes of rising to each 
individual. They view republicanism as a lottery, 
more favoraljle to their ambitious hopes, than mon- 
archy. Such- wretched patriots are the curse, the 



PRANCE. Sll 

plague, the torment, and, indeed, the final ruin and 
eternal disgrace of all republics. At first, they can- 
not be distinguished from the virtuous and honest 
man, who truly loves his country. They bring, of 
course, all honest men into suspicion. They use the 
language and put on the garb of virtue. They cover 
their designs so deeply with hypocrisy and lies, that 
they are often not unveiled but by their fatal and 
deadly mischief. Men of this cast, are far more use- 
ful in pulling down, than in building up, states and 
governments. Any incendiary can burn a palace; 
but a skilful artist alone can build one. The revolu- 
tionist seldom considers, that if he pulls down his 
government, and has not strength and skill to build 
another, he must either inevitably perish in anarchy, 
or must set some master-workman to building for 
liim ; and that the fabricator of the new government 
becomes his new master, and often proves a greater 
tyrant than the former. It is a just remark, that the 
most despotic governments are generally the offspring 
of great revolutions. Thus, a revolution in Syracuse 
raised up Dionysias ; the downfall of Pisistratus, in 
Athens, produced Pericles ; a revolt from Rehoboam, 
in Israel, raised up Jeroboam ; the destruction of 
Julius Cesar elevated Augustus; Charles II. sprang 
out of Cromwell's revolution ; and, the revolution in 
France, which has indeed overturned the throne of 
Clovis, has produced a new one for the conqueror of 
Europe. 

The general character of the moral and political 
writings, which prevailed in the latter part of the 
seventeenth and former part of the eighteenth cen- 
turies, especially in England and France, had a pow- 
erful influence in the great events, which have 
changed the face of Europe. But we shall close this 
article for the present, and reserve the nature and 
effects of this important revolution, to be considered, 
when, in a subsequent chapter, we shall speak of tb^ 
present state of Europeo 



58 NORTHERN POWERS* 



CHAPTER VIL 

CONTINUATION OF THE VIEW OF EUROPE. 
NORTHERN POWERS. 

THE northern powers, viz. Denmark, Sweden and 
Russia, may be considered under one head, as it re- 
lates to several essential articles of their general his- 
tory. They make no figure in ancient history, and 
very little in modern, till since the beginning of the 
sixteenth century. The Danes, indeed, under Canute* 
the Great, after frequently invading, conquered Eng- 
land in the eleventh century, and established a new 
dynasty. This was overthrown by William the Con- 
queror; and the Danes make no appearance worthy 
of notice, till the fourteenth century : when, in 1397, 
Margaret, by the peace of Calmar, was acknowledged 
queen of Sweden, Denmark and Norway. The great 
abilities, with which she acquired and got'erned this 
immense dominion, gained her the title of the Semi- 
ramis of the North. 

The political importance of Denmark has been 
gradually diminishing for several centuries. It has 
generally performed the office of satellite to some of 
the chief luminaries of Europe ; and its history will 
be found to afford little to profit or to please. 

The extremely imperfect view we have given of 
the North of Europe, renders it necessary, that we 
enlarge a little, in this place, to present to the reader, 

* It was principally by Swein, the father of Canute, that the 
English were conquered j and it is a question, whether Swein 
should not be considered as the first Danish king of En^^land. — 
It does not appear to be quite correct to say, that the Danish 
dynasty was overthrown by William the Conqueror. On the death 
of Hardicanute, 25 years before the Conquest, the Danish succes- 
sion was set aside, and the Saxon line restored in the person of 
Edward the Confessor ; and the Saxon line was continued in 
Harold, the successor of Edward, whom ^yilUam conquered and 
slew.— Ed, 



KDRTHERN POWERS. 69 

a more general sketch of the history of Denmark and 
Sweden. And as we cannot delineate, at full length, 
even a skeleton of modern nations, we have judged it 
most useful to touch upon such parts of the histories 
of these nations, as arc in themselves most important. 

When we turn our eyes toward the North of Eu- 
rope, we have before us, to use the elegant expression 
of Dr. Robertson, " the storehouse of nations," and 
as it has been often called, the '' northern hive." 
The countries beyond the Rhine, extending north- 
wardly along the shores of the Atlantic to the Scag- 
gerac sea, indeed, from the Adriatic to the Baltic, 
were anciently denominated Germany ; and those 
countries in the early times of modern Europe were 
regarded as appendages of the German empire. The 
people of those countries, though extremely fierce and 
warlike, were of a grade of intellect far above mere 
savages. The Romans, in the height of their power, 
found them formidable enemies ; and they were, at 
length, the conquerors of Rome, and the founders of 
the presciit nations of Europe. 

We seem almost compelled to believe, that the 
northern parts of Europe, were once more populous 
than they are at present-, and they certainly were 
far more warlike. If their populousness has expe- 
rienced a decline, it must probably have been owing 
to the frequency of their emigrations, and to other 
causes of a less obvious nature. The refinements of 
modern times, in connexion with the nature of their 
climate and situation, have produced effects on their 
governments, manners and customs, unfavorable to 
population and a martial spirit. On the one hand, 
they have not sufficient motives to industry ; without 
which their cold and sterile climate must render them 
indigent and wretched : and on the other, they have 
not sufficient exercise in arms, nor motives to war ; 
without which they must grow eifeminate and cow- 
ardly. In the history of governments, nothing is 
more astonishing, than that the sovereigns of nations 



6P NORTHERN POWERS, 

have not been impressed with this truth, that their 
people will not be industrious without a motive, nor 
brave without an example. 

Denmark, which had made a figure under the great 
Canute, in the eleventh century, and given a new 
dynasty of monarchs to England, appears little more 
in history for nearly two hundred years : when, for a 
short time, it rose and became illustrious under a fe- 
male reign. Margaret was daughter of WaldemaF 
III. king of Denmark. She had been married to 
Hacquin, king of Norway, who was the son of Magnus, 
king of Sweden. This commencement of her eleva* 
tion awakened that ambition, and began to display 
those powers, which soon made her the greatest 
monarch, which then had ever reigned in the North 
of Europe. 

Olaus, the son of Margaret, in right of his father, 
inherited the crown of Norway, that of Sweden, by 
his grandfather, and that of Denmark, by his mother. 
For although thos?e crowns were then elective, yet 
that election seldom deviated from the lineal course, 
where there was a prospect of adequate abilities. 
But, Olaus dying, Margaret was chosen by the states 
of Denmark, who, already, had satisfactory proofs of 
her capacity to discharge the duties of that high sta- 
tion, while she had acted as queen regent of Norway. 
She was soon after elected queen of Norway. The 
Swedes, at this time, were governed by Albert of 
Mecklenburg, who, having become odious by his 
tyrannies, they made a tender of their crown and 
fealty to the illustrious Margaret. At the head of an 
army, she marched into Sweden, expelled her rival, 
and immediately took possession of the throne and 
government. 

Margaret, being now invested with the government 
of Norway, Sweden and Denmark, projected the 
scheme of the celebrated union of Calmar. At that 
place she assembled the states of the three kingdoms, 
and by their united voice, a solemn decree was passed^ 



NORTIiERN POWERS. 61 

!he substance of which is comprised in the following 
articles : 

I. That Sweden, Denmark and Norway should 
thenceforth have but one sovereign : 

II. That the sovereign should be chosen alternate- 
ly by each of these kingdoms, and that the election 
should be ratified by the other two : 

II!. That each nation should retain its own laws, 
customs, privileges and dignities : 

IV. That the natives of one kingdom should not 
be raised to posts of honor or profit in another, but 
should be reputed foreigners out of their own country. 

A minute detail of the reign of Margaret will not 
be expected. It will be sufficient to observe, that, 
considering the age, in which she lived, the rude and 
barbarous nations, over whom she swayed the sceptre, 
and the grand objects she effected during her reign, 
few monarchs have been more capable of sustaining 
the weight of empire. Hers was one of the three 
female reigns, which have taken place in modern 
limes, that will ever be illustrious in the annals of na- 
tions. The names of Margaret, Elizabeth and Cath- 
arine, at least are sufficient to rescue their sex from 
the indiscriminate imputation of weakness. 

The union of Calmar, which took place in the last 
year of ti^e fourteenth century, though it could not 
but remain unshaken during the vigoious reign of 
Margaret, from its nature could not continue long. 
States and kingdoms cannot be permanently united, 
but by a union of interests, policy, manners and sen- 
timents. The evident partiality, which Blargaret 
liad shown for her Danish subjects, became so visible 
in Eric, her successor, as to excite a general odium 
throughout Sweden. The Swedes, accordingly re- 
volted from Denmark, and elected for their monarch 
Charles Canutson, descended from the family of 
]3onde. Soon after, however, they re-established the 
union of Calmar — thus revolting and returning again 
to their connexion three times in the space of about 



62 NORTHERN POWERS. 

fifty years ; till at length they were conquered and 
enslaved, by Christian IT. king of Denmark, known 
by the name of the Nero of the North. 

These revolutions and struggles gradually diminish- 
ed the power of Denmark, and opened the way for 
the final separation, independence and elevation of 
►Sweden. Of this, we shall give an account some- 
what more particular, which we take from Russell's 
Modern Europe. 

In 1442 the Swedes revolted from Christian I. king 
of Denmark, and invested with the administration of 
their government, Steen Sture. The cause of this 
revolt may be clearly traced, in the extreme partiali- 
ty of the Danish monarchs to their own particular 
subjects, which often led them into acts of tyranny 
the most atrocious, and even subversive of the fun- 
damental articles of the confederation of those king- 
dT>ms. The succession of Sture's son to the regency 
of Sweden, although it was generally approved by the 
Aation, was vigorously opposed by Gustavus Trolle, 
archbishop of Upsal and primate of Sweden. This 
haughty prelate, whose father had been among the 
candidates for the regency, persisting in his opposi- 
tion to young Sture's administration, was at length 
besieged in his castle of Steeka, was taken prisoner, 
deposed by a diet of the kingdom, and stripped of all 
his offices ecclesiastical and civil. 

Trolle, in his distress, made applicalion to Leo X, 
a most powerful, accomplished and ambitious pontiff. 
The pope, ready to espouse the cause of the deposed 
primate, immediately excommunicated the regent and 
the party that adhered to him, consisting of most of 
the nobility of Sweden. The execution of this bull, 
Leo committed to the bloody Christian II. king of 
Denmark. The history of the following events, 
opens one of the most horrid scenes, recorded in the 
annals of mankind. 

Pursuant to the order of Leo X. the king of Den- 
mark invaded Sweden, with a powerful army. He 



NORTHERN POWERS. 63 

was encountered by the Swedes in great force, and 
met with so severe a check, that he was forced to 
change his plan of open hostilities for one of the most 
execrable and enormous treachery. He proposed to 
treat with the Swedish regent, and offered to proceed 
in person to Stockholm, provided the Swedes would 
deliver to him six noble youths, as hostages for 
his own safety. These terms were accepted ; and 
accordingly, six young men, of illustrious birth, 
were delivered into the power of this bloody, per- 
fidious monster, and were put on board the Danish 
fleet. 

Christian, now supposing that he had all the advan- 
tage of the Swedes, necessary to bring them to any 
terms, instead of entering, as was proposed, into an 
amicable accommodation with the regent, immedi- 
ately carried the Swedish hostages prisoners to Den- 
mark. Of this number the celebrated Gustavus Vasa 
was one. Like the great Alfred of England, he 
learned in the school of adversity, those lessons of 
wisdom, temperance and fortitude, which afterwards 
enabled him to give law to the North of Europe. 

In the following year, 1520, Christian II. returned 
to the invasion of Sweden, with a still greater force. 
Steen Sture met and encountered him in West Goth- 
land ; but being entrapped in an ambuscade, was mor- 
tally wounded. The army of Sweden immediately- 
dispersed ; and the victorious Dane, thirsting for 
blood, marched directly to Stockholm. On his arrival 
at the capital, he found nothing but terror, irresolu- 
tion and despair among the Swedes. Trolle, howev- 
er, now resuming his archiepiscopal functions, under 
the conquering standard of Denmark, immediately 
proclaimed Christian king of Sweden. The victori- 
ous monarch affected the greatest possible clemency, 
and swore to govern Sweden, not as a conqueror, but 
in a manner mild and beneficent, as though he had 
been chosen by a regular diet of the empire, and by 
the voice of the people. 



64 .NORTHERN POWERS. 

His coronation feast was sunnptuous and superb. 
To this, all the senators, grandees and nobility of 
Sweden were invited, and indeed allured by the ap- 
parent generosity, openness and munificence of the 
new king. After the feast had lasted three days, in 
the midst of the greatest security, hilarity and joy, 
the archbishop reminded the king, that although he 
had pardoned all offences by a general amnesty, yet 
no satisfaction had been given to the pope, in whose 
holy name, he now demanded justice. An army in- 
stantly rushed into the hall, and secured all the guests 
that were obnoxious. The archbishop immediately 
opened hirf spiritual court, proceeded against them as 
heretics, and condemned them to death. A scaffold 
was erected before the palace gate ; and ninety-four 
persons were executed ; among whom was Eric Vasa, 
father to the celebrated Gustavus, who was at this 
time a prisoner in Denniark. 

Thus fell the nobility of Sweden, accused of no 
crime, but that of defending the liberties of their coun- 
try. And when we consider all the circumstances of 
this horrid butchery, and especially, that it laid claim 
to the sanction of Christ's benevolent religion, there 
is not a more shocking occurrence to be found iji 
history. The subsequent account of this barbarous 
tyrant leaves little room to doubt, that Divine Justice 
saw fit to make itself visible for his punishment, even 
in this world. Death often lurks in the insidious 
smiles of a tyrant; and the voice of all history and 
of all experience loudly declares, that he is never to 
be trusted. 

It shall suffice to observe, that Christian II. soon 
experienced a total reverse of fortune. His crimes 
and cruelties rendered him odious to the people of 
his own kingdom. He was deposed by them, and 
compelled to flee, a wretched exile into the Low 
Countries. He endeavored in vain to obtain the as- 
sistance of Charles V. his brother-in-law ; and after 
various struggles, died miserably in prison j " a fate," 



NORTHERN TOWERS. 66 

?ays our author, " too gentle for so barbarous a ty- 
rant." Frederic, Duke of llolstein, Christian's uncle, 
succeeded to the throne of Denmark and Norway ; 
and as for Sweden, she not only shook off the Danish 
yoke ; but we shall presently see her giving law to 
the North, and menacing the South of Europe. 

In the mean time, Gustavus Vasa,, with the other 
five hostages, was treacherously imprisoned in Den- 
mark, as before mentioned. From prison, he soon 
found means to escape, and finding himself pursued, 
fled in disj^uise, and liid himself in the mines of Dale- 
carlia, where he labored for his daily support with 
the miners. Among the rude inhabitants of that 
country, he soon began to attract admiration. They 
were charmed with his popular talents and winning 
address. His form was athletic, noble and command- 
ing ; and his uncommon strength and agility gave hinn 
a ready ascendency among his rustic associates. Per- 
ceiving their utter detestation of the tyranny of the 
Danes, he took the opportunity of disclosing to them 
his extraction, at an annual feast. He made himself 
known, and offered himself as their leader, by a just 
war, to set his country i'lee, and avenge the blood of 
her most illustrious patriots. 

The people listened to him with astonishment ; and 
regarding him as a saviour sent from heaven, they 
flocked from al! quarters to his standard. He immedi- 
ately attacked the Danish governor of the province; 
and taking his castle by storm, put the Danes to the 
sword. In short, nothing could exceed the rapidity 
of his motions; and in wars and revolutions, celerity 
is alway^s the best insurance of success. He crushed 
all opposition; every impe<limcnt yielded to his genius, 
valor and good fortune, till he ascended the Swedish 
throne. His reij^n was one of the most illustrious 
in the annals of Europe. 

During this time, Christian, the Danish Nero, 
frau fallen, and, as already stated, was succeeded by 
Frederic of Holstein. Frederic in 1533 was succeed- 
26 



66 NORTHERN POWERS. 

ei by Christian III. considered as one of the wisest 
and nnost amiable nnonarchs of that kingdom. Sweden 
and Denmark were now both favored with great and 
virtuous princes, who made the happiness of their sub- 
jects their chief aim and highest glory. The pope, 
who had played such bloody games by the hands of 
his atrocious instruments, now lost all ground in the 
North of Europe, and the Protestant religion was es- 
tablished both by Gustavus and Christian 111. in their 
respective kingdoms. 

The reign of Christian III. terminated with his 
life in 1558, and that of Gustavus Vasa, in 15G0. 
Their memory is still, and will ever remain, dear to 
their subjects, and famous in histor}^. Gustavus, in- 
deed, may be considered almost as the founder and 
father of his kingdom; very much resembling, as 
already noticed, the great Alfred of England. His 
reign was long and prosperous. For the space of 
nearly forty years, he maintained the glorious charac- 
ter of a patriot king. Though his contemporaries, 
Charles V. Francis I. Henry VI! 1. and Solyman the 
Magnificent, reigned over fairer realms and more pol- 
ished people, they merit a lower place in the temple 
of fame, than Gustavus Vasa. They involved their 
subjects in expensive wars, to gratify their own am- 
bition, and crushed them beneath a spiritual tyranny 
in doing honor to the Beast, But Gustavus rescued 
his people from a foreign yoke, diffused among them 
the arts and sciences, and delivered them from the 
Egyptian bondage of spiritual despotism. 

Few events had, as yet, laid open the immense re- 
gions of Russia and Siberia to the view of history; 
nor has that extensive country, till a late period, 
made any appearance in the concerns of Europe. 
As early as 1470, John Basilowitz I. grand duke of 
Muscovy, threw off the yoke of the Tartars, under 
which that country had long remained. He soon 
reduced Novogorod and Cassan, and received the 
imperial diadem of that country under the title of 



NORTHERN POWERS. 67 

Czar, which in their language signifies king or em- 
peror, as that of Czarina does empress or queen. To 
these territories his grandson John Basiiowitz II. 
added the extensive countries of Astracan and Siberia, 
in 1554. In this reign a treaty of commerce was 
formed between Russia and England, then governed 
by queen Elizabeth. 

The family of this prince soon becoming, in a man- 
ner, extinct, Russia was harassed with a rapid succes- 
sion of usurpers, and civil wars, till Michael Theo- 
dorowitz, son of Romanow, bishop of Rostow, assum- 
ed the government; and was able in 1618, to es- 
tablish a peace with Sweden and Poland. Tliis 
Michael, by the mother's side, was descended front 
the Czar John Basiiowitz ; and in his person was 
again established the ancient dynasty. Alexius suc- 
ceeded his father Michael. He left his dominions to 
his son Theodore, both improved and extended. 
Theodore on his death bed, appointed Peter, his half 
brother, as his successor, to the exclusion of his own 
brother and sister, Ivan and Sophia. This was he, 
who was afterwards called Peter the Great. As on 
the death of Theodore, Peter was very young, Ivan 
and Sophia endeavored to exclude him from the 
throne. Various struggles were excited ; and the 
existence of the empire seemed to be threatened by 
ihe prospect of civil wars, and the most violent com- 
motions. The fortune of Peter, however, at length 
triumphed ; and after publicly executing above 3,000 
of the malcontents, he found himself in quiet posses- 
sion of the throne. 

When Providence designs to make a great man, 
some door is generally opened for his doing some- 
thing almost peculiar to himself. The illustrious 
course pursued by Peter, was struck out by his ow» 
surprising genius, even while unaided either by ele- 
gant literature, or that speculation, which is the result 
of long experience. In 1697, he retired from his em- 
pire, and travelled as a private gentleman in the reti- 



68 NORTHERN POWERS. 

nue of three embassadors, with a view of visiting 
various nations of Europe, and especially those most 
famed for industry, economy and the important and 
useful arts. At Amsterdam, he made a considerable 
stay, where, as incredible as it may seem, he entered 
himself in one of the principal dock yards, as a com- 
mon laborer, and fared like other journeymen. At 
the same time, he engaged with the utmost apptic: • 
lion in the study of navigation, commerce, surgery 
and the various branches of natural philosophy. 

Thence he passed into England, where king William 
received him with marks of jespect, due to ihe impe- 
rial traveller and student. Jn England he completed 

his knowledge in naval affairs; and, after the expira- 
^^., ./• ..,,.-■* . - * * -, 'f.r-^-t?^-**'- ivi; 

t»un 01 neany two years, he returned to Russia, ac- 
companied by several men skilled in the arts and 
sciences. 

The whole life of Peter was spent in the rapid for- 
mation and still more astonishing execution of those 
grand schemes, which may be said to have given ex- 
istence to one of the most extensive empires, ever 
known. But before we proceed farther with his his- 
tory, it will be proper to call the reader's attention 
once more to the history of Sweden. 

Gustavus Vasa, of whose life and character we 
have taken some notice, was succeeded in the Swe- 
dish throne successively by his sons Eric and John. 
The former, far different in his character from his 
father, was deposed in 1568, and the latter died in 
1592, leaving his kingdom to his son Sigismund, al- 
ready king of Poland. Sigismund, in attempting to 
re-establish the Catholic religion, was also deposed by 
the Swedes in 1600, and his uncle, Charles IX. was 
elevated to the throne. The son and successor of 
Charles IX. was the celebrated Gustavus Adolphus. 

In 1611, Gustavus, upon his father's death, was de- 
clared of age, and ascended the throne, though only 
in his eighteenth year. His kingdom, on his acces- 
sion, was enfeebled by a partial subjection to Den- 



NiORTHERN POWERS. 69 

mark, which had existed since the times of the great 
Margaret. He found its internal concerns in the ut- 
most disorder — distracted by divisions, and torn by 
intestine broils. All his neighbors, the Danes, the 
Poles, and Russians, were at war with him, and had 
already infested his territories with great armies, 
taking encouragement from his youth and inexpe- 
rience, and the known weakness of his kingdom* 
The great Adolphus, on this occasion, showed how- 
far the power of genius transcends even experience 
itself, and all the artificial acquirements that are 
within the reach of man. At one effort, he dispelled 
the storm of invasion ; at another he silenced all in- 
testine commotions. Before him, went victory and 
triumph*; and tranquility and order marked his foot- 
steps. His enemies, every where met with defeat 
and disgrace, while he extended his conquests, hum- 
bled all his neighbors, and nearly made himself mas- 
ter of Russia. 

Soon after this, by the policy of Cardinal Richlieu, 
as already mentioned, Gustavus was appointed head 
of the Protestant league, for opposing and humbling 
the house of Austria. His life opens one of the most 
amazing series of splendid actions, recorded in histo- 
ry; and when we consider the power of the enemies^ 
whom he as uniformly conquered, as encountered, we 
iihall see reasons for comparing him with Hannibal,, 
if not preferring him to that great warrior. Finding 
no equal in the North, he bent his course southwardly ,. 
and by a course of victories, penetrated the heart of 
Germany. He defeated the famous Count Tilly, the 
Austrian general, long thought invincible ; and gain- 
ed a victory equally complete over his successor 
Walstein. But this victory cost him his life. He 
was unfortunately killed, after the field was won ; and 
with his dying breath, made the prophetic declara- 
tion, that he had sealed the Uberties of Germany witfe 
his blood. Had he lived, it is thought he wouM 
have put a period to the German empire. 
26* 



70 NORTHERN POWERS. 

^ The virtues and abilities of no tiero or conqueror, 
shone with greater lustre after his death, than did 
those of Gustavus Adolphus. They long survived 
him in the armies, which he trained, and in the gen- 
erals which he formed. The names of Bernard, 
Torstension, Bannier, Wrangel and some others, will 
be celehrated to the latest posterity. Those generals 
continued the war after the death of Gustavus, and 
gave a blow to the power of the house of Austria, 
which it has never fully recovered. Oxenstiern, the 
first minister of Gustavus, who managed the affairs of 
Sweden during the minority of Christiana, his daugh- 
ter and successor, by his consummate skill, enabled 
that princess, in a measure, to dictate the peace of 
Westphalia in 16-18. 

With the great Gustavus and his generals, the 
fame and prosperity of Sweden seemed to expire. 
Christiana, in 1654, six years after the peace of 
Westphalia, resigned her crown to her cousin Charles 
Gustavus. The life and adventures of this celebrated 
princess, exhibit the most surprising extremes of 
magnanimity and weakness — of elevation of mind, 
and perversion of taste. The adventures, through 
which she passed, would furnish ample materials for 
the writer of romance. 

Charles Gustavus, who was the tenth of that name, 
was a prince of considerable abilities, and gained 
some advantages in a war with Poland ; but his reign 
lasted only six years. He died in 1660, and was suc- 
ceeded in his government by his son Charles XL who 
was an odious and impolitic tyrant. So far from 
imitating the examples of several of his illustrious 
predecessors, he used his utmost power to oppress 
and enslave his people. Durins: his long reign, though 
apparently successful in several wars, his kingdom 
and the Swedish name were falling from that impor- 
tant and splendid rank, they once held in Europe. 

In 1697, by the death of Charles XI. the throne of 
Sweden was left vacant to the famous Charles XiL 



NORTHERN POWERS. 71 

his son and successor, than whom, probably, no mortal 
man ever breathed more constantly the spirit of war. 
But, instead of possessing the great qualities of Vasa 
and Adolphus, he seemed capable of nothing but war 
and conquest. Headlong as a t jger, he rushed forward, 
as if only solicitous to fight, with very little regard to 
prospects of advantage, or the favorable moment. 

While such a tyger, however, was about to be let 
loose in the North of Europe, a lion, if we may keep 
up the metaphor, was prepared still further north, to 
keep him at bay, and set bounds to his lawless rage. 
Peter, justly styled the Great, had just returned to his 
own dominions, enriched with discoveries and im- 
provements, calculated to aid him in the grand 
scheme of civilizing the North of Europe and Asia, 
when Charles XII. though but eighteen years of age, 
ascended the throne of Sweden. The views of 
Charles relative to the conquest of Russia, may well 
be compared with those of Alexander in relation to 
the Persian empire. But had Charles acted with that 
prudent caution, which governed Alexander's counsels 
and movements, he might have avoided those disas- 
ters, which ruined himself and his kingdom, even 
though he had failed in the main object of his ambition. 
The wars of Charles, however, were tremendous j 
and his name soon became terrible through the 
world. But he was too rash and impetuous to exe- 
cute his plans by means which were necessary^ to give 
permanence to his success. He fought in all direc- 
tions, and was generally victorious. He humbled all 
his adversaries except one, and struck terror into all 
his neighbors. He dethroned Augustus, king of Po» 
land, new modelled the government of that kingdom, 
and caused Stanislaus, a creature of his own, to be 
invested with that sovereignty. But his whole plan 
of operations may be clearly traced to liis great de- 
sign of subduing Russia, which issued in the battle of 
Pultowa, fought on the 11th of July, 1709. With a 
brief sketch of the circumstances leading to this d€- 



72 NORTHERN POWERS. 

eisive battle between Charles and Peter, we shall 
close this article, and refer the reader to the details 
of the events in the history of those times. While 
Charles, mad with his design of becoming a second 
Alexander and conquering all mankind, was with the 
utmost diligence preparing the way for his operations 
against Peter, the latter by a stretch of masterly poli- 
cy unequalled in its kind, was widening his resources, 
fortifying his power, improving his immense empire, 
and strengthening the basis of his throne. The vic- 
torious standard of Charles, in 1707, which had been 
displayed in Saxony to the terror of all Germany, 
was removed, and again seen in Poland. Thither at 
the head of 43,000 men, Charles now proceeded to 
oppose the Russian arms, which during his absence 
had been employed in favor of Augustus the dethron- 
ed monarch. From Lithuania, where he had for 
some time been, Peter directed his march toward the 
river Boristhenes, avoiding for the present a general 
battle with the Swedish hero. So near were the twa 
armies, that Charles arrived in the city of Grodno, 
on the same day that Peter left it. But the pursuit 
was in vain. 

The sovereign of Russia on this occasion displayed 
that wisdom and prudence, which seemed the prelude 
to his future triumph. Finding himself in his own 
dominions, and justly fearing the consequences of so 
terrible a conflict, as seemed approaching, he sent an 
embassy to the king of Sweden with proposals of 
peace. Charles returned for answer, that he would 
treat with him at Moscow. The Czar's remark, 
when this haughty answer was brought him, gives us 
a trait of the character of the two rivals. "My 
brother Charles," said he, "always affects to play 
the Alexander j but I hope he will not find me a Da- 
rius." The celerity of his retreat defeated all hopes 
of overtaking him; and the Swedish monarch con- 
soled himself by pursuing his march toward Moscow. 
But in this, he found do small difficulty. His artoy^ 



NQRtHERN POWERS. 



7^ 



suffered incredible hardships in pursuing the course 
of the Czar, who, aware of his approach, had des- 
troyed all means of subsi&lence, and indeed almost 
every vestige of human habitation. Vast forests, mo- 
rasses and extensive solitudes presented before them 
scenes of desolation, and the alarming prospect of 
destruction. Through these dreary wastes, the Rus- 
sians moved with safety, being in their own country, 
and led by a great commander, who knew well hovr 
to avail himself of his own resources, and to leave 
behind him nothing to facilitate the progress of his 
pursuer. 

Charles, though now determined to march to Mos- 
QoWj was ^onipfllecj to alter his line of march, and 

l)y a more circuitous course to pass liirougu pijces, 
whence some supplies might he derived for his army, 
now nearly perishing with fatigue and want of every 
necessary. The North of Europe abounds with vast 
forests and trackless wilds, almost impassable even in 
the summer season, and now clothed with double 
horrors by the approach of winter. The ablest of- 
ficers of his army remonstrated against penetrating 
those inhospitable climes in the winter season. Count 
Piper, on whom he had ever placed much depen- 
dence, earnestly recommended it to him to remain in 
the Ukraine, a province lying along the river Boris- 
thenes, till the winter, which at that time was in- 
tensely severe, was past. He, however, crossed that 
river, and advanced to the banks of the Disna, be- 
yond which, he perceived a Russian army posted to 
resist his passage. 

He crossed, however, and continued his march, 
making a slow progress into the Russian territories. 
Hovering parties of the enemy added continual sur- 
prise to his painful and perilous march ; and num- 
bers of his men daily pv^rished through the inclem- 
ency of the season. Wearing away the winter in 
those frosty regions, he at length arrived on the 10th 
of May at the town of Pultowa, where was an impor- 



74 NORTHERN POWERS. 

tant magazine of stores and necessaries, of which the 
Swedish army was in great want. But Pultowa was 
defended by a garrison of 9000 Russians; and the 
Czar himself lay not very far distant, with an army 
of 70,000 men. 

The attack of Charles upon this place, which was 
strongly fortified, was one of the most daring enter- 
prises ever attempted by any commander. For that 
reason, he could not be dissuaded from so rash a mea- 
sure. In spite of every effort of the Swedes, the 
town could not be reduced before the arrival of the 
Czar with his main army; and Charles, although 
wounded in his heel by a musket ball, determined to 
give him battle. He ordered his army to advance 
and attack the Russian camp. The Swedes, Tong" 
inured to victory, made a formidable onset, and not 
eJ^ithout impression ; the Russian cavalry was broken, 
S'vjut soon rallied behind the infantry. The king of 
Sweden, borne in a litter, animated his troops, and 
displayed all the talents of the soldier and hero. But 
he contended against superior fortune. On the side 
of Peter, there was equal skill and bravery with 
greater numbers. The Swedes fought with astonish- 
ing fury for two hours, but were exposed in the face 
of a tremendous train of artillery, which the Czar, 
whose arrangements for the battle were masterly, had 
opened upon them. Their charge upon the Russian 
line proved ineffectual ; and their defeat, which was 
inevitable, was only announced by their destruction. 
9000 Swedes fell on the field of battle ; and the army 
of Charles was utterly ruined. Charles himself, with 
a small party of horse, escaped with difficulty, and 
hastily crossing the Boristhenes, fled with a few 
attendants to Bender, a town in Moldavia, in the 
Turkish dominions. 

Charles Xll. never recovered from this humbling 
stroke, which seemed for a while to give respite to 
the North of Europe; and was certainly followed by 
vast consequences to that part of the globe. But there 



KORTHERN POWERS. 75 

never was a more restless man than Charles. He 
continued to struggle, negotiate and tight as long as 
he continued to breathe ; which was about nine years 
from the battle of Pultowa. For a particular ac- 
count of the various fortunes and adventures of this 
extraordinary prince, the reader is recommended to 
peruse Voltaire's history of him. As already noticed, 
he threw himself into the power of the Turks, de- 
termining never to return to his own dominions, but 
as a conqueror. He persevered in this resolution, for 
several years ; but was compelled to break it at last. 
Constantly fomenting intrigues, commotions and wars 
in all directions, he could never lay aside his design 
against Russia, nor indeed his hope of subduing that 
mighty empire. 

Thus passed the life of Charles, till in December, 
171S, he was killed before the town of Fredericshall, 
in Norway, by a cannon ball. After he was struck 
by the ball, he only had time to lay his hand upon 
his sword, grasping which he expired. 

All historians, who speak of him, allow him to have 
been one of the most extraordinary men who ever 
lived. Had his prudence been equal to his courage, 
energy and ambition, he would have equalled if not 
excelled all other conquerors. The disasters of his 
reign gave a blow to Sweden, which she has never 
recovered. She has been declining during the last 
century, and has now become but a secondary power 
in Europe. 

Peter the Great, happily delivered from so trouble- 
some and dangerous a neighbor, for the remainder of 
his reign, had little to frustrate his favorite schemes for 
improving his empire. He built a citj^ at the head of 
the gulf of Finland, which, he determined, should bear 
his name. In the space of a renturj, Petersburg has 
hecome one of the most splendid cities in the world. 
Peter displayed the grandeur of his mind more in the 
arts of peace, than of war. He projected a union 
between the river Dwina, the Wolga and Tanais, thus 



76 6REAT BRITAIN, 

to open a communication between the Baltic, Euxine, 
Caspian and Northern seas. In short, no prince, ever 
did more to enlighten, improve and adorn his empire. 
Peter was succeeded by his wife Catharine 1. and 
she, by Peter II. who, after a short reign, died in 1 730 
of the small pox. He was grand son to Peter the 
Great, whose direct male line, in him, was extinct. 
The throne was next filled by Anne, second daughter 
lo Ivan, eldest brother to Peter the Great. She was 
succeeded by Elizabeth, daughter to Peter the Great; 
Elizabeth, by her nephew Peter III. and he, by his 
wife Catharine II. a princess of Anhalt-Zerbst; whose 
reign almost eclipsed the glory of that of Peter the 
Great. She was succeeded by her son Pail, and he 
hy the present emperor Alexander. 



CHAPTER yiU. 

CONTINUATION OF THE VIEW OF EUROPE. 

GREAT BRITAIN. 

THE history of most nations is but the liistory of 
war and destruction to the human race. The mind 
is perfectly fatigued and disgusted in reading of noth- 
ing but fighting^, killing, murder, treason and desola- 
tion. In the history of England, the mind is often 
relieved with a most pleasing variety of prospect. It 
is the history of arts and sciences, of philosophy and 
government, of commerce and agriculture ; and, to 
show, that the English people are of one blood, and 
of one spirit with other nations, there is also the his- 
tory of revolutions, of treasons, plots, massacres and 
desolating wars.* But the English people exhibit a 

* Besides f>rei^n wars Innumerabie and almost incessant, the 
Englisti have had, according ic the t:nuineri>iIon of Le Sage, 16 
civii wars and 9 religious oommrtions, since ttie Conquest. In the 
language of Goldsmith, Ent,larid may well be denominaled a land 
<rf scholars and a nurse, of arms E©. 



GREAT BRITAIN. 77 

surprising and illustrious example of menta e nergy 
and excellence. They have been able to give tran- 
scendent importance to a comparatively small island, 
and that for a long time. 

Great Britain is an island much smaller than Bor- 
neo, or Madagascar, or Niphon, or some others, 
which might be named : yet, for nearly twenty cen- 
turies, it has holden an important rank among the 
nations of the earth, and is now mistress of the sea. 
In a former chapter, we have noticed Egbert, at the 
head of the Saxon heptarchy, about the year 800. 
The successors of Egbert were exceedingly harassed 
by the Danes, who at length planted themselves on 
the sea coast, and seized all the finest parts of Eng- 
land. 

The great Alfred, the deliverer of his country, and, 
as he is styled, the father of the English constitution, 
was the grandson of Egbert. When all was given up 
for lost, and the Danes were considered as masters of 
England, the " immortal Alfred" suddenly broke from 
his concealment, where he had, for some years, b^een 
hidden in the deepest disguise and remotest recesses. 
He erected the standard of his native country, which 
soon became a rallying point. With a small body of 
men he encountered and defeated the Danes. The 
rapid rumor of his success drew multitudes to his 
standard. The Danes were every where defeated, 
and, in a short time, expelled from the island. 

Perhaps no monarch e^er more justly deserved the 
title of Father of his country^ than Alfred. After the 
incessant wars had subsided, which made him power- 
ful and independent, he set himself, with the greatest 
energy and indf.'stry, to improve his kingdom. He 
founded the university of Oxford, in 8S5; he rebuilt 
the city ol London ; be divided England in counties, 
hundreds, &c. ; he revived the trial by jury, and gave 
dignity, purity ar.d despatch to the co'jrts of justice : 
in a word* it m-iy be said, that he Cv'-\ his utmost to 
diifuse individual happiness among hts people, as m^qW 
27 



78 GREAT BRITAIN. 

as to give his kingdom the external marks of dignity 
and splendor. 

The reign of Alfred was long and prosperous. No 
prince was ever nnore beloved by his subjects ; and 
he died in peace, full of days, and cov'^red with 
glory, in 901. 

The successors of Alfred, for more than a century^ 
were employed in wars with the Danes, with various, 
but, at length, with declining success. In the first 
part of the eleventh century, Canute the Great, king 
of Denmark, completed the conquest of England, and 
established himself on the English throne. In 1035, 
he left his dominions to Harold, who, after a short 
and inglorious reign, was succeeded by Hardicanute, 
in whom the Danish race of kings became extinct 5 
when the ancient line was restored. 

The Saxon race was restored in the person of Ed- 
ward the Confessor; but in him was again deprived 
of the crown.* In 1066, he was succeeded by Harold 
the Usurper, the son of the famous Godwin, earl of 
Kent. 

The British crown seemed now to be unsettled, 
and, in a measure, at the disposal of the common 
chances of war. William of Normandy, a prince of 
great territorial resources, and of still greater abili- 
ties for war, prepared to assert his claim to it — a very 
specious claim, indeed, but the origin of all monar- 
chical claims ; for, as Brennus told the Roman em- 
bassadors, " The right of conquerors lies in their 
swords," William's claim was grounded wholly in 
his power;! and he was successful. Accompanied by 
many soldiers of fortune, whom the fame of his abili- 
ties and the splendor of his enterprise had drawn from 
all parts of Europe, he made a formidable descent 
upon the English coast, and landed without opposi- 

* Harold was a Saxon, though not of the Royal family. — Et). 

■\ William professed to found his c'.aim to the English crown 
upon the will of Edw ard tliC Confessor, though it does not appear, 
that Edward ever expressed any such will in writing. — Ed. 



GREAT BRITAIN. 79 

tion. He was soon met by Harold at the head also 
of a powerful army. Few fields have been more 
sharply disputed : arguments of great strength were 
used on both sides. Their claims and great exer- 
tions, in point of merit, as well as in point of strength, 
were nearly equal. Each of the rivals, as well as 
many of their followers, had the same grand objects 
in view ; each fought for life, crown, empire, honor, 
glory and everlasting fame. The eyes of all Europe 
were anxiously turned toward the scene; and the pen 
of the historian was ready to transmit the event to un- 
born ages. Great bravery was displayed on both sides. 

Harold fell in battle, and William seized, without 
further opposition, the august prize. He found it, 
however, more difficult to retain, than to acquire, the 
crown of England. He was kept in continual alarms, 
and his life was endangered by daring plots and con- 
spiracies. His jealousies of the English people, 
which were not increased without cause, occasioned 
universal alterations in the internal police of the 
kingdom. He deeply infringed the ancient constitu- 
tion ^ and, at length breaking over all restraint, he 
caused innumerable confiscations ; and, by suborned 
evidence, the most unjust and cruel attainders of 
treason. He nearly exterminated the ancient no- 
bility, and by degrees, effected a conversion of the 
property of the whole kingdom. 

From the times of William the Conqueror, to the 
reign of Henry VI II. the history of England presents 
a variegated and interesting scene. The Henries 
and Edwards were, generally, both statesmen and 
warriors. It will be impossible to go into a particu- 
lar consideration of their respective reigns; but we 
must beg the reader's permission to pass over this 
very considerable period, with a few general remarks. 

During this period, the struggles between the three 
orders, viz. the king, lords and commons, were in- 
cessant, and, at times, had well nigh involved the 
kingdom in ruin. The great and powerful lojels 



so GREAT BRITAIW. 

were ofteH too powerful for the crown, and for the 
commons. They held their castles and strong for- 
tresses in all parts of the island ; and, where a union 
happened to combine their strength, they seemed of- 
ten to bid fair to do, as Poland has since done to its 
own utter ruin — that is, to overturn the throne, and 
enslave the people. Of all governments in the world, 
perhaps an aristocracy is the worst. It is like a 
hydra with a hundred heads ; it is restless, because 
ambitious, and weak, because disunited; it is misera- 
ble, because experienced without virtue ; and con- 
iemptible, because wise and crafty without pewer. 
The time proper for action is consumed in delibera- 
tion ; and the lucky moment passes unimproved. 

While the English government leaned chiefly to- 
ward this form, the nation was feeble and liable to 
innumerable divisions; and, owing to this cause, had 
been easily subjugated by the Saxons, Danes, and Nor- 
mans. The undue power and influence of the great 
lords, remained firm and unshaken, and must have 
ultimately terminated in the ruin of the nation, had" it 
not received a fatal blow by the policy of Henry V 11. 
who so far abolished the feudal tenures, as to enable 
the nobility and great peers of the realm, to alienate 
their landed estates, which before his time, they could 
not. This occasioned a change, and a much wider 
distribution of property, and had a tendency to pro- 
duce a juster balance in the powers of government. 

The extraordinary abilities, fortunes and charac- 
ters of several of the English monarch?, contributed 
greatly to establish, unite, and dignify the nation. 
Perhaps no nation in Europe, at this early period, 
was governed so ably and so wisely. Several of the 
Henries and of the Edward^ were men of the most 
consummate abilities. We have already mentioned 
Henry V. With his name we may associate that of 
Edward III. who is called the father of the English 
corstiiution. He was equally great in war; and 
held, during his glorious reignj no less the confidence 



OREAT BRITAIN. 8t 

and veneration of his subjects, than the dread of his 
enemies. 

It was the peculiar felicity of England, to derive 
benefit from their worst, as well as from their best and 
ablest princes. They had several kings, who would 
answer well to be put upon the black list of Roman 
emperors. But, even those disgraceful reigns were 
directly or indirectly productive of good. In the 
contemptible and inglorious reign of king John, 
was laid the corner stone of English liberty — the 
main pillar of that mighty fabric of power, wealth, 
political wisdom and safety, which has enabled the 
people of that island to hold, at times, the balance 
of Europe ; and by which they now hold the em- 
pire of commerce and navigation, and are able to 
unfurl their triumphant flag throughout the whole 
world of waters. 

The Magna Charla or Great Chart is a bill of rights, 
founded on the most obvious principles of natural and 
civil justice ; and regarding it as a human invention, 
among all the nations of the world, if we except the 
United States, nothing can be found either in ancient 
or modern times, equal or comparable to it. It de- 
monstrates that, even in the 13th century, the English 
nation far excelled Greece and Rome in political wis- 
dom and virtue. And the constitutions and bills of 
rights in our own happy country, are but chiidi^en 
from that illustrious parent. Whether the English 
nation are as wise in the 19th, as they were in the 
13th century, the writer does not pretend to say. 
They doubtless, need as much wisdom. 

There is, perhaps, no reign recorded in the annals 
of history, more weak and miserable, or of much 
greater length, than that of Henry VI. Yet the 
struggles and revolutions during that tempestuous 
Feign, were, by no means, the convulsions of death ; 
but, iC we may use a phrase someiinies used by phy- 
sicians, they were the vis medicatrix natures'^ of the 
• The healing power of nature.— Ed. 
37* 



82 GREAT B&VrAia* 

kingdom- Old Warwick, the king-maker, was th«B 
alive ; and queen Margaret could well fight the bat- 
tles of her husband. The invincible spirit of the na- 
tion was often roused ; nor was it restored to tran- 
quility, without laying some stone in the national 
fabric, which was destined, for imny ages, to resist 
the billows of time. 

In the period now before us, the reader of English 
history, will find his attention drawn to one of the 
most extraordinarj civil wars, in which any nation 
was ever engaged. It was a contention between the 
houses of York and Lancaster, for the crown of Eng- 
land. Both descended from the ancient royal line. 
These wars, after having embroiled the kingdom dur- 
ing several successive reigns, and cost much blood 
and treasure, were happily ended on the accession of 
Henry VII. to the throne, in whom both claims were 
united. 

No monarch e-er mounted the English throne un- 
der greater advantages, than Henry Vlll. It is sup- 
posed, that his father, at the time of his death, pos- 
sessed more ready money, than all the other mon- 
archs of Europe. His kingdom was powerful, united, 
and at peace with the neighboring powers. His 
treasury was full ; and he was himself a prince of 
great abilities. But Henry, with all these advan- 
tages, was a vain, odious, unprincipled tjrant. His 
pride and vanity could be measured by nothing but 
each other ; because they were both unbounded. 
He was false, cruel, capricious, fickle, and of a tem- 
per overrun with the meanest jealousy, and the most 
vindictive resentment. His tyranny seemed alwaj's 
to flow from mere malice and depravity. 

Providence, however, employed him as an instru- 
ment to humble the pride of a still greater tyrant^ 
than himself, the Roman pontiff. His most celebrated 
exploits, (for he never seemed ambitious of war,) were 
his matrimonial connexions and dissentions, his sepa- 
ration from the church of Rome, his founding the 



GREAT BR[TAm. tS 

English churcli by making himself and successors the 
head of it, (a temporal head to a spiritual body,) and 
his composing a prayer book and forms of worship- 
for the same. 

The support which Luther's reformation in Ger- 
many received, from several of the most powerful 
princes of the empire, had already made a great and 
irretrievable infraction upon the See of Rome. But 
an event took place in England, which gave a still 
more deadly wound to Popery. Henry Vlll. had 
conceived an attachment to Ann Boleyn, a young lady 
of his court, of great beauty and accomplishments. 
But he found it impossible to marry, and make her 
the partner of his throne, without finding a pretext 
for divorcing his queen, Catharine of Spain ; and be 
soon found one to his wish. Before he married her, 
she had been the wife of his brother Arthur. The 
king's conscience suddenly grew remarkably suscepti- 
ble on the occasion, and he shuddered at the idea of 
having lived so long in the horrid sin of incest. The 
matter, however, was no sooner suggested, than all 
imputations vanished. It appeared that his marriage 
was legal, and that nothing existed which could, in 
the slightest degree, tarnish the reputation of his vir- 
tuous queen. 

But what satisfied others, could by no means satisfy 
Henry. His conscience grew more clamorous ; and 
his scruples every day increased.* Finding he could 
effect nothing at home, he made application to the 
pope for a dispensation of divorcement. The pope, 
after a full hearing of the cause, rejected the applica- 
tion in the most peremptory terms. Henry persisted. 
The pope threatened. Henry divorced his queen 
and married the lady Ann. The pope thundered a 
bull of excommunication against him, and laid his 
kingdom under an interdict, absolving his subjects 

* It is probable, that, at first, the scruples of Henry were alto- 
gether hypocritical ; but that afterwards, he was really convinced 
that his connexion with Catharine was unlawful — E». 



84 GREAT BRITAIN. 

from their allegiance* Henry, on his part, met the 
pope's bull hy another bull as stout, and excommuni- 
cated the pope. Thus the separation of England 
from the Romish church, began j and various causes, 
of a more pure and laudable nature, gave it strength 
and stability. 

The cruelty and crimes of Henry increased pro- 
grf ssively with his years. The noblest blood of Eng- 
land flowed to satisfy his savage barbarity of heart. 
Eve u the beauteous Ann Boleyn, whom he had mar- 
ried and raised to his throne, found neither in her 
charms nor virtues, any security, from the jealousy 
and rage of this infernal monster. Upon a slight sus- 
picion of inconstancy to the king, she suffered death. 
But we will not waste the reader's time in tracing the 
atrocities of a villain of the first magnitude, who, con- 
fidering his superior advantages, deserves to sink into 
the shades of eternal infamy, ten thousand degrees 
below Nero or Domitian. 

The death of Edward VI. in his 16th year, left the 
throne \^cant to Mary ; who was justly styled the 
Bloody Mary. Her administration was distinguish- 
ed by nothing but weakness and cruelty. The flames 
of persecution were lighted np all over the kingdom ; 
and the names of Bonner and Gardiner, will descend, 
with infamy to all posterity, as being the base instru- 
ments of her cruelties. 

Mary died in 1558; and her short and inglorious 
reign was followed by one of a character opposite in 
all respects.* Elizabeth, daughter of Henry VI 11. by 
Ann Boleyn, succeeded her sister Mary, in her 25th 
year, and continued to govern England 45 years. 
The chief traits of her administration were energy, 
sagacity, a good share of justice, able counsels, a pro- 
found and extensive policy, and what Cicero calls fe- 
licity, or good fortune. Few monarchs ever held the 

* Perhaps the idea, that goodness is a constituent of greatness, 
led the auihoi to form an opinion of Elizabeth, by many degreea 
too favorable.— Ed. 



GREAT BRITAIN.^ &5 

reins of governraent with a stronger, more steady, or 
more cautious hand, than queen Elizabeth : yet with 
all these, were blended, it is said, a slight tinge of 
vanity of her sex, and of the arbitrary cruelty of her 
father. 

Under such an administration, as might be natu- 
rally expected, many important objects were accomr 
plished. The internal structure of the English gov- 
ernment received vast accessions of strength and per- 
fection. The reformation, begun by Henry VIII. 
and attempted to be destroyed by Mary, was render- 
ed permanent under the reign of Elizabeth ; the 
Protestant cause in Europe received countenance, 
credit and support from so powerful a friend. Con- 
fusion \\as poured upon the gloomy counsels and san- 
guinary designs of Philip II. ; and the English navy 
acquired universal respectahilit}' by its brilliant vic- 
tories over the Spanish fleets. 

Elizabeth was succeeded by James VI. of Scotland, 
and I. of England ; under whose crown was united 
the sovereignty of the British island. The only great 
exploit in which James excelled other mm, was his 
discovering the powder plot; which would, others 
wise, have escaped the sharpest eyes in England. 
The Catholic faction had contrived to bury 36 bar- 
rels of gun-powder under the parliament house, where 
the king, lords, and commons were, on a certain day, 
to be convened. The plot, though entrusted to nearly 
a hundred persons, had been kept a profound secret 
for eighteen months; and was, within a few days of 
its consummation, when a certain member of the par- 
liament, received an anonymous letter, of the most 
singular contents, warning him to abstain from at- 
tending the parliament. The letter was communi- 
cated to the king, who laid it before his privy coun- 
cil. When all were at a loss, and many concluded 
it to be a mere ridiculous whim, the king gave it as 
his opinion, that a plan was laid to blow up the par- 
liament with gun-powder. On searching the vaults 



86 GREAT BRITAIN. 

of the house, the powder was found ; and Guj 
Fawkes, a daring villain, was taken with the matches 
in his pocket, for firing the niagazine. 

Janrjes, with all the pride of royalty, which any 
** monarch needs, had neither genius nor ability to 
govern. The contrast between him and Elizabeth, 
was striking. He was weak, superstitious, timid and 
of course, jealous. His administration laid the foun- 
dation for the misfortunes and fall of his successor, 
Charles 1. who succeeded him in 1625. 

The revolution of Cromwell, and the history of 
England since that time, are generally well under- 
stood. To enter particularly into the several im- 
portant articles of that recent period, would protract 
this work far beyond our original design. We must 
therefore pass it over with a few general remarks ; 
and only add here, that Charles 1. fell a sacrifice to 
his own folly and imprudence in Cromwell's revolu- 
tion. After Cromwell, Charles H. recovered his 
father's crown and dominions. James II. succeeded 
him — a prince less wicked, indeed, than his brother, 
Charles II.; but more weak and foolish, than his 
father, Charles I, He was deposed, and succeeded 
by William, prince of Orange. William was suc- 
ceeded by Ann, and she by George I. II. and III. 

Cromwell's revolution, professedly set on foot in 
the cause of freedom, seems to be a convincing proof, 
Ihat a limited monarchy is that form of government, 
above all others, best adapted to the character of the 
English nation. It is said by judge Blackstone, the 
reader may judge how justly, that the English gov- 
ernment comprises the excellencies, and excludes the 
defects of the three leading forms of government. 
There is a monarch, whose prerogative is limited ; 
an aristocracy, whose powers are defined ; and a de- 
mocracy, whose privileges are guarded. If their 
theory is better than their practice, they are not alone. 
The English nation have exhibited one mark of 
wisdom, energy and virtue, above all other nationi^ 



GREAT BRITAIN. 87 

After so great, so dangerous, so wasting a revelation, 
as that of Cromwell, they seemed to rise, not like 
Samson after he had lost his hair ; but like one who 
is made virtuous by affliction, strong by exertion, and 
wise by experience. The vicious, inglorious and 
troublesome reigns of the house of Stewart, following 
that revolution, could not prostrate a nation, which 
seemed made, not for the tool but the scourge of ty- 
rants. 

Since the commencement of the 17th century, the 
progress of the British nation in all the arts and 
sciences, has been truly astonishing, and has outrun 
all calculation. From her universities, have issued an 
immense constellation of learned men, equally useful 
and ornamental to the world. Locke and Newton, 
from their innumerable excursions into the material 
and intellectual worlds, irradiated the minds of men 
with beams of knowledge, which lay hidden from the 
wisest of the ancients. Others have improved spon 
their foundations ; and every art and science has been 
pursued, improved, and brought nearer to perfection. 

The national debt of Great Britain is a matter of 
admiration in every point of view. Upon it, the 
mathematician, the financier and the statesman have 
wasted even the midnight lamp in calculation. It 
has been made, by theorists, the subject of contro- 
versy, of applause, of ridicule : it has exhausted the 
declaimer, powers of tongues and pens without num- 
ber: it has often called up the spirit of prediction, 
and political augurs have foretold its final term and 
destiny. This immense debt, if that may be called a 
debt, which is debt in one hand, and credit in the 
other hand of the same body politic, has been accu- 
mulating, for more than a century, and, in 1799, was 
about 500,000,000/, sterling. It is much more now ; 
but the latest calculations we have not at this instant 
before us.* This subject opens various fruitful 

♦ In 1819. it was estimated at 3^748,200,000 dollars ; more than 
844,0(>0,000/. sterling.— Ejj. 



S8 GREAT BRITAIN. 

sources of doubt. It is doubtful, whelber ibis vast 
debt can ever be paid. It is doubtful, how long it may 
continue to accumulate consistently with national 
tranquility ; and it is equally doubtful, whether to an- 
nihilate it by a revolution, would not be fatal to the 
kingdom. 

The commerce and naval force of Great Britain, 
is a subject of admiration, equal to that of the nation- 
al debt. Her commerce extends to all parts of the 
world; and her navy is more than equal to all the 
navies of Europe beside. By means of her power 
by sea, she has subdued, or rendered tributary, the 
finest parts of India, and many of the most productive 
islands in the ocean. Into her immense capital, 
rivers of incalculable wealth are daily pouring, from 
all parts of the world. Her India-trade has opened 
by far the most extensive, lucrative and dignified sys- 
tems of commerce ever known ; and the merchants 
and nobility of London are able to make a display of 
diamonds and pearls in their dress, equalling, if not 
exceeding, the most superb courts of Asia. 

The reign of George III. will be considered in his- 
tory as an important and glorious reign. The loss 
of jurisdiction over the American colonies, if an evil 
at all, is trifling, in comparison with the vast acces- 
sions of power and wealth, which Great Britian has 
made, during the present reign, in other parts. She 
can derive as much benefit from the trade of the 
United States, as before the revolution, which made 
them inrjf j^rndent. Had they maintained their colo- 
nial relation, her chief benf fit must always have been 
of a commercial nature ; and that she may still enjoy, 
if she will treat them with g^od manners. George 
III. has not been celebrated as a statesman, a warrioiy 
Or a monarch. He has, however, some marks of a 
wise prince; he has not wanted for able and wise 
counsellors, in his cabinet, great commanders by sea 
and land, and men of integrity and talents at the 
heads of the several departments of government. 



ECCLESIASTICAL STATE. &9 

By these, he alone, of all the monarchs of Europe, 
has been able hitherto, to resist the madness and 
rage of a revolution, which in its formidable progress, 
has changed the face of Europe, and still threatens 
to destroy its liberties. 



CHAPTER IX. 

CONTINUATION OF THE VIEW OF EUROPE. 
THE ECCLESIASTICAL STATE. 

FROM the first part of the 7th century, the Eccle- 
siastical Stale has been one of the most powerful 
and important in the world. Its powers were pro- 
fessedly of a spiritual or religious, butin reality, of a 
temporal nature : indeed, we may go so far as to say, 
they were carnal, sensual and devilish. 

In the book of Revelation, it is said, that John saw 
a woman sitting upon a scarlot-colored beast ; which 
beast had seven heads and ten horns. The woman 
had written in her forehead the names of Blasphemy, 
and she was called Mystery^ Bahylon the Great, the 
mother of harlots, 8ic, This woman is considered as 
representing the church of Rome ; and the beast on 
which she sat, the temporal powers which gave her 
support. Its seven heads,* according to some writers, 
represented the seven hills on which ancient Rome 
was built, or, according to withers, the seven forms of 
government which have been exercised over that 
empire ; and the ten horns, the ten kingdoms, over 
which Rome once reigned with a temporal, and after- 
wards with a spiritual dominion. 

It must be confessed, tliat the S3^mbols are striking, 
and the allusions extremely just. At any rate, the 

* Pjobably tlie seven beads are doubly embiematical, represent- 
ing-, at once, the seven hills of Home and the seven forms of the 
Roman government. See Ilev. xvii. 9, 10 — Ed. 
28 



90 ECCLESIASTICAL STATE, 

power of the supreme pontiff, who became universal 
bishop the same year that Mahomet forged the Koran, 
was very great. His interdict upon a nation, sus- 
pended the performance of all religious rites, and cut 
them off from communion. He could absolve a na- 
tion from their oath of allegiance to their king, and 
give them a right to dethrone and destroy him at 
their pleasure. Such was the superstition of those 
times, that when a nation was interdicted, they were 
considered as exposed to the immediate wrath of 
Heaven ; the greatest consternation prevailed, and 
their streets would be filled with men, women and 
children, with garments rent, hair dishevelled, beat- 
ing their breasts, and deprecating the divine ven- 
geance. • The sovereign pontiff had power to pardon 
all manner of sins, and even to grant indulgence for 
the commission of the most enormous crimes. He 
claimed infallibility; and, as Christ's vicar and vice- 
gerent on earth, held the keys of heaven and of bell. 
From the enormity of these claims, which were some- 
times in the hands of the vilest and most profligate 
of mortals, we may conjecture, into what extremes of 
wickedness, they would go. 

They went into all possible extremes ; and, indeed, 
exceeded any conception which one can form, who 
never read the history of their proceedings. Princes 
and the greatest emperors, have been known to stand 
barefoot at the gate of the haughty pontiff, patiently 
waiting for adnnittance : and when admitted, the holy 
father would set his foot upon their necks, and tread 
upon their crowns. In this manner, one of the popes 
treated an emperor of Germany : but they could not 
tread upon the neck of Henry VIII. 

Since the reformation in Germany and England, 
the papal throne has tottered. While Henry IV. 
governed France, his favor to the Protestants hasten- 
ed the decline of that formidable hierarchy : and even 
Lewis XIV. though he destroyed the Protestants of 
his own kingdom, yet he aided their cause in the per- 



CONCLUSION. 91 

son of Gustavus Adolphus, who headed the Protes- 
tant league a^iainst the house of Austria. After Gus- 
tavus failed, William III. of England, and queen Ann, 
by the duke of Marlborough, severely shook the 
throne of France, and for a while obtained the most 
splendid triunnpjis for the Protestant cause ; by which, 
of course, the church of Rome was weakened. 

The French revolution threatened, for a while, the 
extinction of Popery ; but the emperor Napoleon, 
fearing the force of the old maxim, J^o bishop^ no king^ 
has become a frip«d to his Holiness, and has re-estab- 
lished the Catholic church in France. But the weak- 
ness of Spain, Portugal and Italy; the reformation 
of Germany and England ; the irreligion of France, 
and, indeed, the common sense of mankind, have at 
length, reduced the bishop of Rome nearly to a level 
with other bishops. His vices are censured ; his vir- 
tues are credited ; his ghostly power is despised ; his 
infallibility is laughed at ; and he is little thought of 
among the rulers of states and empires. 

Since the fall of the ancient Romans, there has 
nothing existed in Europe, like universal empire ; 
therefore, by the course of empire since that time, 
nothing more can be intended, than a series of states 
or kingdoms, which, all things considered, have been 
more powerful, than their neighbors. On this sub- 
ject, there may be different opinions. Were we to 
represent the course of empire by a line drawn 
through individual kingdoms, we should draw it thus ; 
through Assyria^ Persia^ Greece., Carthage, Rome^ Cori' 
sianlinople^ Turkey, Germany, and France, 

CONCLUSION. 

Thas have we pointed out to the student, the gen- 
eral outlines, or the mere skeleton of what he will 
find in reading the history of nations. As a man, who 
stands on an eminence, and looks attentively over a 
wide and diversified prospect, so is the historian. 



99 CONCLUSION. 

Through the long period of five thousand years, his 
eye wanders annong innumerable millions, and des- 
cries people, nations and languages, who were once 
active in the busy scenes of time, but are now reap- 
ing the retributions of eternity. The great nations, 
which enjojed universal empire, are now silent in the 
dust. And, as objects subtend a less angle in propor- 
tion to their distance, so a century, buried deep in 
the vale of antiquity, appears but as an hour, and the 
duration of a nation, but as a day. In the morning, 
its infancy is weak; and its chief defence is in its 
obscurity or insignificance, or in the weakness of 
others : it gathers strength by adversity, and at length 
acquires a vigorous youth. At mid-day it acquires a 
strong and lofty attitude ; it basks for an hour in the 
beams of prosperity, and drinks deep the inebriating 
draughts of luxury and pleasure. And now its beau- 
ty fades ; its strength decays ; its glor)' perishes ; and 
the declining day hastens a night of storms and 
clouds and everlasting darkness. 

The nations of men resemble the perpetually roll- 
ing and conflicting waves of the ocean. If a billow 
rise high, it is but to sink as low ; if it dash its neigh- 
boring billow, it is but to be dashed in its turn ; if it 
rage and foam, it is but to exhaust itself the sooner ; 
if it roll tranquilly on the bosom of the deep, it is but 
to sink forever by its own gravity. It is thus with all 
nations, with all human institutions, and with all the 
noblest inventions and works of art. 

♦' The cloud-oapt towers, the gorgeous palaces, 
The solemn temples, the gjreat globe itself; 
Yea, all which it inherit, shall dissolve, 
And, like the baseless fabric of a vision. 
Leave not a wreck behind.'* 

And alas ! the ravages of time, though rapid and 
resistless, are too slow to satisfy the furious rage of 
restless mortals ; they must share the empire of des- 
truction. To them, the work of death is most pleas- 
ant ; and to cultivate the art of killing and destroy- 



CONCLUSION. 33 

ing, has been their chief pride and glory in all ages, 
though while employed in that dreadful work, they 
sink in destruction themselves. Unhappy children 
of men! When will you learn to know and to prize 
your true interests ? When will you be convinced of 
that, than which nothing is more certain, that war 
adds infinitely to the number and weight of your 
calamities ? that it fills the world with misery, and 
clothes all nature in mourning? that it covws your 
souls with crimson, inexpiable guilt, and brings upon 
you the wrath and curse of heaven? 

Is there to be no change in this tragic, this direful 
scene of blood and slaughter ? Shall brotherly love 
and cordial affection never become universal ; and 
peace never wave her white banner throughout the 
earth ? Is there no durable institution, founded in vir- 
tue, and permanent, as the eternal rules of justice ? Is 
there no firm ground of hope ? no rock, on which 
truth and reason may build a fabric, that shall never 
fall ? Yes ; there is a Kingdom : its foundations were 
laid of old : its king is the God of heaven : its law is 
perfect love : its dominions are wide, for they extend 
to the wise and virtuous in all worlds : all its subjects 
are safe; for they are defended by almighty power: 
and they shall rise to eternal prospeiity and glory, 
when all earthly kingdoms shall vanish, like a shadow 
or a dream. 

There is an unseen hand, which guides the affairs 
of nations. Throughout all their changes and revolu- 
tions, through the seemingly dark and troubled thaos 
of human concerns, an almighty Providence over- 
rules ; and all events, past, present, and to come are 
employed in directing and completing the destinies 
of all creatures, in subserviency to that infinitely 
great and glorious kingdom, which shall never be 
removed. 



28* 



^'^ PRESENT static; 

• CHAPTER X. 

THE PRESENT STATE OF EUROPE. 

THE great alterations in the affairs of Europe, 
since the French revolution, and the continual 
changes, which are taking place, render the subject 
before us very difficult. Before these sheets are 
published, tlie state of Europe may be considerably 
changed from what it now is. As it may affect the 
political relations of that quarter of the globe, we can 
only say, that a great revolution is now on the wheel. 
Whether it will be stationary, progressive, or retro- 
grade, we cinnot tell. Events may be in embryo, 
which will defeat all calculation, and render the state 
of Europe belter or worse, than it ever has been, 

KNOWLEDGE. 

Europe, in point of knowledge, has holden the as- 
cendency, for more than two thousand years, over the 
other quarters of the globe : and we shall hazard the 
opinion, that a comparison of the present, with all for- 
mer periods, will be found highly favorable to Europe 
at the present time.* In the o"iost flourishing periods 
of Greece and Rome, knowledge, or niental improve- 
ment, in general, was limited to a few places. If we 
take into view all the Gi'eek and Roman territories, it 
is probable, that not one to ten among the Greeks, and 
not one to a hundred among the Romans, kiiew hozo 
io read and write : but, at the present time, it is prob- 
able, that more than one third of the people of all 
Europe, can do both. The art of printing has filled 
all places with books, and brought the means of 
knowledge within the reach of mankind in general. 

Yet how many millions, even in that quarter of the 
globe, are still enslaved by ignorance and error. The 

* Most of the literature of Europe is to be found in Britain, 
France sind Germany.— £s. 



OF EUROPE. 95 

peasants in Poland, Sweden, Denmark and Russia, 
are the most ignorant people in Europe. They are 
bought and sold with the farms, on which they live 5 
and their lives are at the disposal of the great lords, 
who own them. Yet they know no means of relief. 
They do not, in many instances, know, but that all is 
right. Like a beast of burden, they bow to the yoke ; 
and if they often groan with painful servitude, they 
seldom think of deliverance. The manners and 
habits of those nations are so firmly fixed, their pre- 
judices so deep and strong, that there is little pros- 
pect of any alteration for the better. 

It is matter of surprise, that the mor«" enlightened 
and wise part of society in those nations, even that 
their governments, who consist of great and accom- 
plished statesmen, well acquainted with all Europe, 
do not reason more correctly, and act more consistent- 
ly, toward their peasantry. They certainly know, 
that industry cannot exist, where it is not encouraged ; 
that nothing can awaken enterprise, but a prospect 
of great gain; that their peasantry have no encour- 
agement to industry, and no stimulus to enterprise. 
They see them to be a poor, miserable, ignorant race, 
as void of ambition as beasts, yet without their docility* 
Their farms are consequently unimproved ; the an- 
cient forests maintain their ground, and even wild 
beast make head against them. In times of peace^ 
their agriculture, their commerce and manufactures 
are neglected ; and, in time of war, if we except 
Russia, their armies are contemptible. 

The poor of these nations should be encouraged, 
first of all by giving them instruction, and then by 
placing before them the proper motives to industry. 

It has been often questioned, whether the preva- 
lence of knowledge in society would not tend to sedi- 
tion, disloyalty, treason and rebellion. Experience 
determines this question in the negative.* The most 

* It was undoubtedly knowledge and mental improvement, that 
enabled the people (rfthis country to perceive their wrongs, to 



S6^ PRESENT STATE 

knowing people have been generally the most easily 
governed. Government scarcely exists among sav- 
ages. In barbarous countries, there is always a con- 
tinual succession of turbulent rebellions and revolu- 
tions. It will not be denied, that the English nation, 
taken as a body, are the best instructed and wisest 
people in Europe ; and their government is the most 
regular and permanent. 

It is a general observation, that the most learned 
and best informed people, have the best government 
in practice at least, if not in theory, and commonly 
in both. For example, the governments of France 
and Germany are better than those of Spain and 
Russia ; and the people of the former are certainly- 
better informed, than those of the latter. The gov- 
ernment of Poland has been remarkable for weak- 
ness ; that of Turkey, for strength. But both have 
been equally corrupt and wicked ; and the people, 
who live under them, are the most ignorant of any 
in Europe. The letter and spirit of the Russian gov- 
ernment consider all its subjects as slaves, or even 
machines without will. They live quietly under 
such a government, because they are without under- 
standing. 

It is an important question, how far a continual 
and rapid increase of know^ledge, among all classes 
of people, would go toward remedying the evils of all 
governments, and even toward abolishing the system 
of war, now pursued by most nations. It is also an 
important question, to what extent learning might be 
carried in society, consistently with its true interests* 
It would be vain and useless to establish the former, 
without previously ascertaining the latter question. 

No nation, and doubtless no state, has carried the 
system of education to that height and perfection, 

assert their rights, and shake off the British yoke. If a g-ovem- 
ment is founded and at!;.unistered in equity, for the manifest bene- 
fit of the people, knowledge and mental improvement must conduce 
to its stability ; and they must equally tend to excite rebellion 
ag^nst tyranr y and oppression. No doubt, it is good policy for 
tyrants to keep their subjects in ignorance.— Ed. 



OF EUROPE. 97 

which would best promote its internal well being and 
honor. No individual town, even in New>England, 
has pursued this object in proportion to its impor- 
tance. To open this subject for discussion, we will 
suppose an extreme case, and from that extreme, will 
descend to such means as must be acknowledged to 
be attainable. 

For the sake of illustration, we will suppose, that 
every man in Europe had the knowledge of Sir Wil- 
liam Pitt; we will say nothing about virtue; the per- 
fection, or prevalence of which, among men, is never 
to be looked for as the fruit of tlieir exertions. A 
change would gradually or suddenly take place in all 
the governments of Europe. A man, when he 
knows his true interest, will naturally pursue it. The 
present oppressions of Europe are generally mere 
impositions upon ignorance and simplicity. Tbe 
poor peasant firmly believes, that he was born to 
serve, and his lord, to rule. He believes, that his 
body is made of coarser materials, that liis blood is 
less rich, and that his sou!, if he knows he has one, 
is from a humbler stock of intelligence. Give him 
knowledge, raise him within the sphere of Pitt's intel- 
ligence, and all these delusions vanish. He sees the 
faults of his government ; he sees a remedy within 
his reach : he pursues, and gains it. 

He would never suffer with the poor ignorant 
wretch, who knows not — who thinks not, even in his 
dreams,of a better state. The ignorance and ser- 
vility of the poor, is at once both the cause and effect 
of their poverty. And certainly it invites and allures 
the impositions, the aggressions, the domination and 
insolence of men of stronger minds. 

After all that has or can be said of the power of 
wealth, "The mind's the standard of the man." Give 
the lower orders of people in Europe but the in- 
tellectual powers of the higher — give them the men- 
tal cultivation, the ambition, the tire of genius; and 
the wall, which separates them, will fall to the ground* 



98 PRESENT STATE 

It is readily granted, that all men can never acquire 
the knowledge of William Pitt: but how vastly igno- 
rant is the bulk of the people, in the most enlightened 
nations! and with what ease their minds might be 
raised, almost infinitely above what they are. Let 
the expense of education rest on the government, 
empowered to draw sufficient funds from the nation. 
This is indeed, partially the present method of the 
New-England States, And from this very source, 
they are the freest, happiest and most enlightened 
people on earth. 

No doubt it will be said, that this is theory. What 
then ! Is nothing worthy of regard, which admits of 
theoretical speculation ? Is not the education of youth 
an object worthy the attention of government? If it 
could be regarded as such, as it ought universally to 
be, certainly no govermental object ever outweighed 
it — no earthly one, ever more justly demanded legis- 
lative wisdom. It was the opinion of Lycurgus, that 
the partial affection of parents for their children, dis- 
qualified them for exercising government over them. 
Admitting this as an extreme, we would have govern- 
ment interfere no farther with children, than to point 
out the nature and extent of their education, and 
provide and pay their teachers. 

It is no very uncommon thing for boys to graduate 
in our colleges at sixteen years of age. If then, we 
except the Greek and Latin languages, every boy 
might receive a liberal education, before he is fit to 
become an apprentice, or go into a counting house. 
Nor should his improvements be limited here. Other 
institutions should be formed, to extend the mind, 
and to carry into manly maturity the seeds of honor, 
truth and justice, liberally planted in youth ; yet of 
a nature not to interfere with a course of business. 

If the funds necessary to defray the expenses of 
these important institutions, were raised from an 
equal assessment of property, it would seem, at first 
view, to bear heavy on the rich, especially if they had 



OF EUROPE. 99 

no children: but, for what more important purpose 
can the rich and childless pay their money ? Do they 
not pay freely to support war, government, and al- 
most numberless public institutions? And is the for- 
mation, the well being, the glory and prosperity of 
the rising generation, an object inferior to any of 
these ? But, in effect, it would not bear hard upon 
the rich ; for there would soon be very few poor. I 
appeal to the present, though imperfect practice of 
the New-England States. There are fewer poor 
among them, than in any other part of the world. 

There is nothing wanting then, hut virtue in man- 
kind, nothing but a proper direction even of selfish- 
ness itself, to effect far greater improvements in soci- 
ety — far more ligjht and knowledge, than ever existed 
in any nation. These improvements, so far from be- 
ing prejudicial to government, would soon originate 
governments, which the individual happiness of men 
would induce them to love and support. And these 
governments, whether monarchies or republics, would 
enjoy the confidence of the people, and those who 
administered them would possess a power far more 
permanent and illustrious, than they can in the pre- 
sent system of things. As there must always be in 
every nation rulers and ruled, the security and hap- 
piness of the latter will forever guarantee those of 
the former. 

Should it be objected, that there could not be a 
change in these respects in Europe, without revolu- 
tions and effusiono '^< n- ^ 
main in their f. 
is one revolutic 
will be treason- 
rants never had, 

If the several g< .^^v. *>ouia begin 

to effect this glorious reform, by opening to their sub- 
jects the fountains of knowledge — by seUing before 
them the proper motives to virtue and industry, they 
would find domestic concerns sufficient to call their 



lt)0 1»IIESENT STATE 

attention from foreign wars; and the millions of 
mopey, emplo^yed in cultivating the art of war, would 
be employed in promoiing the grandest objects of 
human happiness. 

But who shall begin this salutary work ? What 
power — what potentate has magnanimity sufficient ? 
No mention shall be made of virtue, thpy only want 
the knowledge of their interests, and the means of 
happiness is within their reach. 

INDUSTRY. 

There are but few industrious nations in Europe. 
The wealthy despise it ; and the poor have not the 
proper incentives to it. The Dutch have, perhaps, 
been excelled by no European nation in this resptct ; 
but their industrious days are over. A rapacious 
and powerful master now stands ready to seize what 
they have got, and to anticipate what they may get 
hereafter.* The Turks, the Italiansand the Spaniards 
are nearly on a footing as to industry. Among them, 
a soft, relaxing climate has completed all the idle and 
vicious habits, which their governments naturally in- 
duce. Their rulers seem determined, that they shall 
have nothing 5 and the people, lost to all ambition 
and sense ol freedom and honor, have become will- 
ing, that it shall be so, and are willing to possess 
nothing: they, therefore, live in a very poor, and, at 
best, in a precarious manner. With their present 
exertions, they would, literally, starve to death, did 
they not live in very fruitful countries, where nature 
produces aimoct spontaneously for their sustenance. 

* In the year 1806, Napoleon erected Holland into a king-dom ; and 
his brother Lewis was cvouned king- In 1810, Lewis was con- 
strained to resign his crov n , and Holland was united to France. 
In 1813, Holland was emancipated frcm French usurpation and ty- 
ranny. The next year, Belgium, or the French Xetheriands, wgis 
united to Holland. In the following- year, 1815, these countries 
were formed into a llmTted mon:^chy wiiii a liberal constitution. 
This monarchy is denominated the Kingdom of the Netherlands* 



f)P EUROPE. 101 

The people in the North of Europe are compelled 
to labor, or they must perish. But their toil is ill 
directed, and without any spirit of enterprise, although 
severe. They cannot work with courage, and sur- 
mount difficulties with cheerfulness, because they are 
strangers to the animating hope of acquiring wealth, 
or even a comfortable living. Whatever they get 
must go to pamper the pride of a haughty, tyrannical 
master, who can hardly be willing they should breathe 
the vital air without paying a tax for it. So stupid 
and extreme is the folly of the governments them- 
selves, that their exactions are an effectual check 
even upon the spirit of commerce; and all the means 
of the people, in general, to acquire any degree of 
opulence, are completely fettered. 

'This is eminently the case in Sweden and Den- 
mark. Their governments know it ; their kings^ their 
ministry^ their philosophers and all their statesmen and 
zoise men know it ; yea^ and much more than all this^ 
they well knov\ that while things remain in this state, 
they can never flourish. They must be poor, feeble, 
faint-hearted and wretched, always ready to join the 
basest and ?nost cowardly, but never capable of a no- 
ble enterprise. They know all this ; and yet they 
will, with their eyes open, strive to maintain the 
present mad system. They will keep it up, till they 
are the scorn of Europe — till they share the fate of 
Poland — till their kings, ministrj^, statesmen, philoso- 
phers, wise men and men of learning, shall all fall a 
prey to their own preposterous folly — till they shall 
have their houses burned, their throats cut, their king- 
doms destroyed, and their territories sozvn with salt. 

Germany and France, while tiiey have loaded in- 
dustry with almost insuperable burdens, have, it must 
be confessed, afforded some important encourage- 
ments, both as to honor and emolument. They 
Have, on the whole, made it better for people to be 
slaves, than lazaroni : for, though thry are almost 
squeezed to death by monstrous exactions, extortions, 
29 



102 PRESENT STATE 

taxes, imposts, excises, customs, tolls, duties, rates, 
tithes, fees, rents, contributions, donations, tributes, 
and several other species of public demand, yet many 
industrious people are able, notwithstanding all this, 
to acquire wealth, and to attach respectability to 
themselves and families. 

The English people excel all the rest of Europe in 
industry. There are no bounds set to enterprise ; 
and the farmers, tradesmen, and especially the mer- 
chants, avail themselves, to an amazing extent, of 
their advantages. This has long been their charac* 
ter ; and it has long been their salvation. Give a 
people knowledge, industr^^ and virtue, and they will 
flourish. Nothing can depress them. A national 
debt, as heavy as mount Olympus, cannot sink them ; 
a revolution cannot crush them ; a tyrant cannot long 
hold them prostrate, anj more than the strength of 
one can resist the strength of millions. 

TERRITORY. 

Most nations of every age have been ambitious of 
extensive territories. Hence originates the desire of 
conquest, by far the most fruitful source of war. The 
charge, that monarchies are addicted, more than 
other governments, to war and conquest, is by no 
means just. None of the ancient nations were more 
warlike or more greedy of conquest, than the three 
great republics of antiquity ; Greece, Carthage and 
Rome. They seemed never satisfied, while any na- 
tion remained independent of them. The situation 
of Europe is best cah;ulated for small kingdoms and 
states. Jls several parts are remarkably separated by 
large rivers, mountains, straits and seas, which serve 
to impede the progress of armies, and check the rapidi- 
ty of conquest. If modern republics have been less 
warhke than ancient, it is because they have seen less 
prospect of being able to cope with their neighbors^ 

No nation of very extensive territories ever long 
maintained its freedom. Rome cannot be brought as 



OF EUROPE. 103 

EH exception to this rulp, since it must be remember* 
ed, on tiie one hand, that the con<^uered provinces of 
that repubhc were governed with the most despotic 
sway, and on the other, that Rome, in fact, lost her 
liberties immediately upon the fall of Carthage. It 
will hence follow that republicanism is better adapted 
to small, than to large territories, it is hoped, that 
the United States may form one lasting exception. 
Wo give so much credit to the doctrine, however, 
that we strongly question the policy of enlarging our 
territories. 

The Russian empire is the largest, that ever exist- 
ed.* It includes a complete northern section of Eu- 
rope and Asia, and, according to some late calcula- 
tions, comprehends one seventh part of the habitable 
earth. This immense territory is governed by a most 
absolute, despotic sovereign. The Russians were 
little known, till the reign of Peter 1. called the 
Great. He extended his arms and conquests over 
the barbarous tribes, which thinly inhabited the vast 
countries from the gulf of Finland to the sea of 
Kamschatka, and /rem the Caspian to the White 
sea. The rivers, forests, and extensive plains he 
passed, presented him greater diiiicuUies, than the 
defenceless people he conquered. 

The long, active and glorious reign of the great 
Catharine was, in a good measure, devoted to the im- 
provement of this mighty empire : and she did much. 
She instructed and civilized her people; she organiz- 
ed a powerful and combining system of government, 
founded for the m.osL part, on a humane and rational 
poliry. 

But how vastly distant from civility, humanity and 
liappiness, are the numerous millions of that empire! 
It is a country too large to be governed by any sin- 
gle mortal ; and it will, probably, one day, fall in 
pieces by its own weight, under some feeble reign. 

* It is supposed, that ttie Euspian empire is more than twice as 
extensive as any other that ever existed.— Ed. 



104 PRESENT STATE 

Indeed the rebellion of Pugatsbef, in the reign of 
Catharine, came near to rending it in pieces. 

The history of the reign of Catharine li. opens one 
of thr- most important scenes, found in the annals of 
natiouSi Few reigns were ever more prosperous f 
and few monarchs ever governed with more consum- 
mate skill. She was loved and feared by her sub- 
jects : she held an extensive influence in the politics 
of E'irope, both in war and peace ; and she was sur- 
ro.unJcd by a group of great and very extraordinary 
characters. Such were the Orloffs, Potempkin and 
several others. 

Were it made a question, what extent of territory 
is most conducive to national happiness and security, 
we should be at a loss how to answer it. Little in- 
struction could be drawn from experience. The 
histories of nations afford no certain ground for con- 
clusion. Empires and states of all sizes, from that of 
St. Marino in Italy, which comprehended the inhab- 
itants of but one small village on a hill, to that of the 
empire of Russia, or of Ghenghis Khan, seem, at all 
times, to have owed their safety and happiness to far 
other circumstances, than their size. An indepen- 
dent state sometimes owes its safety to its poverty : 
sometimes, to the virtue of its neighbors ; but oftener, 
to their weakness : sometimes, to its own power and 
prosperity ; but oftener far, to its virtue and industry. 
If size were of any account in the happiness or dura- 
tion of a state, certainly Poland would have been, 
happy, and would not have been torn in pieces by her 
rapacious neighbors. Spain would be very powerful 
and happy, if power and happiness were the offspring 
of territories both rich and extensive. The same 
may be said of Turkey, Germany and many others. 

Among the largest empires may be reckoned those 
of Sesostris, Nebuchadnezzar, Cyrus, Alexander, 
Cesar, Ghenghis Khan, Tamerlane, Charles V. and 
Peter the Great ; among the smallest, which have 
made any figure, those of Tyre, Judea, Sparta, Pal« 



OF EUROPfi. 103 

myra, Venice and Britain. But from a careful atten- 
tion to the history of these nations, it will be difficult 
to determine, which have been the most happy or 
secure. Probably, however, Venice and Great Bri- 
tain, if we consider merely the condition of individu- 
als, have been surpassed by (ew. Nations consist of 
individuals; and if the people of any nation are hap- 
py and prosperous, it is of little consequence to them 
what the extent of their empire is. A nation, con- 
sidered as a body, state, or empire, is not a creature, 
which actually exists, and that feels pleasure and pain. 
It exists no where, but in idea; nor even in that, if, 
as philosophers now mostly allow, there be no such 
thing as a general idea. A nation, in fact, is an 
aggregate of individuals, united under certain laws 
and regulations, for the purpose of mutual benefit. 
The great and only end of all national objects and 
measures, is properly the good of the individual : and 
apart from this, the terms, national glory, honor, char- 
acter, interest, Sic, are high sounding words without 
meaning. 

If a nation in its collective capacity formed one 
gr^at giant, as much larger than an individual, as the 
nation is ; and this giant had organs, understanding, 
affections, and passions, equal to his dimensions; 
then might we talk of national glory, as a thing valu- 
able, and of importance to individual welfare. But 
certainly, if national glory is but the honor and re- 
spect which nations pay to each other; and not to be 
purchased but by the palpable misery of a large pro- 
portion of its constituent parts* — such glory is rather 
a curse than a blessing to mankind. 

* It will be difficult to prove that the happiness of individuals 
is at all promoted by the entertainment of -his phant'im f 

-}- If a nation is respected, may it not prove beneficial to indi- 
viduals of that nation ? If for examfile, the Americio H'jg' is hi,srlily 
respected, may it not be the means of saving many an American 
vessel from insult, from search, fom detenlio. , from condemna- 
tion ? It is very manifest, bo^^ever;, that such respo t ouglit not to 
be purchased by the misery ot liumerous individuals.!— -JfeiD. 
29* 



106 PRESENT STATE 



COx\QUEST. 



If we except those of France, since the revolutiorr, 
there have been few conquests in Europe, for the last 
five hundred years. The successes of the French 
under Bonaparte, as yet, hardly deserve the nanie of 
conquests. Their permanence in some measure de- 
pends on the life and fortunes of a single man. If 
the present emperor should, by any means, fail, or be 
removed, they would generally revert to their former 
state. A slight view of the geography of Europe, 
will show that it is favorable to the existence of small 
states ; and modern policy has erected a strong bar- 
rier against the ambition of heroes and conquerors. 
Negotiations, treaties and defensive alliances have 
been carried to such a degree of perfection and to 
such an extent of refinement, that Europe has borne 
some resemblance to a society of individuals, in 
which the strength of the whole is exerted for the 
prfitection of individuals. How happy for man, were 
this system carried still farther — that nations would 
see it for their interest, not only to abolish conquest, 
but war — that they would be willing to settle their 
differences in a grand court of justice, like the Am* 
phictyonic council. 

The moderns, however, have shown as good an 
appetite for conquest, as the ancients ; but have had 
the precaution, in their own defence, to give origin 
and effect to a scheme of policy, which renders it far 
more difficulK Italy has been several times nearly 
conquered within five hundred years, but soon recov^ 
ered. France was nearly conquered by Henry V.5 
and Germany, by Gustavus Adolphus. Even Russia 
itself might have been overcome by Charles XII. if 
he had not been a mad-man. So, Sweden and Poland 
were nearly subdued by Margaret, the Semiramis of 
the North. Indeed, there is scarcely a nation in 
Europe, that bas not been in danger of subjugation 



OF EtmopE. 107 

but has escaped ; and, except Poland, no one of any 
considerable note has been conquered in Europe for 
the last 300 jears. The conquest of the empire of 
Constantinople, by Mahomet the Great, is the last 
of any considerable importance, till the tornado of 
French republicanism arose. Where or when that 
will settle, is known only to Infinite Wisdom. 

Conquests generally, though not always, ruin the 
conquered* If they are small, they cost the conquer- 
ors more than they are worth ; if large, they oftea 
ruin them. Thus, as we have said before, the con- 
quest of Nineveh hastened the ruin of the Medes j 
that of Babylon, the Persians. The conquest of Persia 
corrupted the Greeks, as did that of Carthage the 
Romans. Should the French, under Bonaparte, sub^ 
due all Europe, France, which now forms a complete 
empire, would then be only a part of one: the seat 
of government might be removed, and she would be- 
come but a satellite ; Bonaparte's successors might 
quarrel, and dkide his dominions, as did those of 
Alexander ; and France might be liable to change 
masters, and be fleeced from time to time by various 
competitors for empire. In her present boundaries, 
France bids much fairer for independence, happiness 
and duration, than if she were to conquer Europe. 

England forms an exception to our rule. She rose 
more powerful, after being conquered by the Saxons^ 
the Danes, and the Normans. Whether the effect 
will be similar, should she fall under France, w-e shall 
not pretend to say. There has been one eminent 
instance in Asia, in which both conquerors and con- 
quered were equally benefited. In 1644, the Tar- 
tars subdued China; and the descendants of Tamer- 
lane ascended the throne of that ancient and mighty 
monarchy. The ferocious Tartars gradually declined, 
or were lost in the immense population of China, and, 
in effect became the conquered people, by adopting 
the customs, and conforming to the manners, of the 
Chinese. By this great conquest, the ChiriesCj grpwa 



108 FUENCH REVOLUTION. 

effeminate, were strengthened, and rendered war- 
like ; the Tartars were civihzed and reduced to a 
settled form of society ; perhaps both were equally 
bf nefited, since, together, they form the greatest and 
most powerful monarchy in the world.* 

There are several circumstances in the present 
state of Europe which are awfujly portentous. Sev- 
eral of the primary powers have greatly declined in 
the course of the past century, particularly Spain, 
Germany and Turkey, which in the reign of Charles 
V. held a commanding eminence. Indeed with re- 
gard to Turkey, some great change seems to be im- 
pending. It is indeed mortifying to see the finest 
parts of Europe, the ancient nursery of the arts and 
sciences, from age to age, in the possession of a 
gloomy, savage race, insensible to the beauties, and 
incapable of appreciating the advantage of their sit- 
uation. 

They hold not only the great city of Constantino- 
ple, which has descended t.hro«gh the dark ages un- 
impaired, but, in general, all the remains of fine 
architecture in Greece and Asia Minor. Over all 
those classic grounds, held in such high veneration 
by the literary world, and from which, those who 
would wish to travel in quest of knowledge, are in a 
great measure debarred, the Turkish standard is still 
waving. . 

FRENCH REVOLUTION. 

The French revolution threatens more serious 
consequences to Europe, than any other, since the 
fall of ancient Rome. Jt has utterly defeated every 
calculation and prediction excepting one. It was 
early foreseen and foretold, that it would injure, or 
rather would not help, the cause of freedom. The 
torrents of innoce'nt blood, shed in that horrid scene, 

* It is by no means certam, that the Chinese monarchy is the 
inpst powerful in the world. — Ed. 



FRENCH REVOLUTION. 109 

could never fertilize the soil of liberty and justice. 
Those sacred names were used as a watch-word, to 
commence an onset of tragic hoiTor, at the sight of 
which Domitian or Commodus would have relented. 
They have injured (he cause of freedom, and they^ 
threali n to exterminate every principle of civil lib- 
erty. Where arc all tiie repubhcs of Europe? Where 
is Venice, who shielded Christendom from the Turks 
— who enrit hed Europe with her commerce? She 
survived the league of Cambray, but to experience a. 
severer fate : she escaped the rock, and is lost in the 
whirlpool : she is subjugated, enslaved, ruined, and is 
no more known among independent nations. 

Where is the once powerful and flourishing repub- 
lic of Holland ? Where the immense treasures of her 
bank, perhaps the richest in the world ? Where her 
powerful fleets, by which she was able to dispute the 
eiKpire of the ge^wilh Grrai Sriram? niKSF^ her 
universal commerce — her public credit — her impor- 
tance, prosperity, and glory ? It avails her nothing, 
that she could once resist the arms of Philip II. and 
Lewis XIV. — ^that she has, by unparalleled industry, 
turned the must unpromising spot in Europe into a 
garden. Her sun is set ; her glory forever faded ; 
and she is humbled in the dust. 

Switzerland, situated among the rocks and declivi- 
ties of the Alps, a prize utterly unworthy of a great 
conqueror, is swallowed in the same gulf. The story 
of the brave and virtuous William Tell, must no 
longer be remembered. The days of liberty, inde- 
pendence, honor and virtue are past; and the Swiss 
cantons must, without complaint or remonstrance, 
submit to the mandates of a foreign master, or perish 
by fire and sword. 

The revolution in France has given the severest 
blow to the cause of civil liberty, that it ever received 
since the foundation of the world. By one tremen- 
dous shock, it has annihilated most of the lesser pow- 
ers of Europe ; and those, which remain, stand on 



no FRENCH REVOLUTION. 

doubtful ground. Trace over the map of Europe, 
and see what it presents. Turkey is in her dotage; 
but were it otherwise, she is the hereditary foe of ail 
Christian powers — by her condition perfectly unable, 
and equally unwilling by her principles, to benefit her 
Christian neighbors. The Russians, under Count 
Ronvanzow, severely shook her foundations ; and 
should the Gallici conqueror, point the thunder of his 
invading columns at her head, her triple crown would 
form but a feeble defence : she must fall. 

Poland has conquered herself. She managed her 
affairs so feebly, that her more powerful neighbors 
judged it incumbent on them to help her out of her 
difficulties, and, by their interference, to afford her 
that quiet, which she could not hope from her own 
energy and wisdom. They stepped in, and preformed 
an act, which Solomon himself, if alive, must confess 
to be a new thing under the sun. They dismembered, 
if we look merely at natural advantages, one of the 
most powerful kingdoms in the world, and partitioned 
her off with nearly as little disturbance, as they would 
an uninhabited, unappropriated forest or island. 

Italy is conquered and provinciated. Germany in 
fact, is dismembered ; or, if that is saying too much, 
she is a huge, disjointed, unwieldly body, incapable 
of vigorous defence. She can place no confidence in 
her best armies. Her government is without authori- 
ty ; her officers are traitors : and her soldiers, cow- 
ards. A hundred thousand of tliem will stand still in 
their places, and suffer themselves to be cut down. 
The millions of Germany, though naturally brave and 
warlike, will flee before the standard of Bonaparte, 
as grasshoppers, in a mown meadow, before the 
strides of a giant. It is time, that Germany were 
conquered. When the army of any nation or state 
can conduct like the army of Mack, that nation or 
state is unworthy of independence : it is fit for no- 
thing but to be enslaved — to be made scullions of 
servants in the kitchens of their conquerors. One 



FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1 1 1 

vigorous campaign would be sufficient to enrol Ger- 
man}' with Holland and Italy. 

Sweden and Denmark, though so lo.udly warned 
by the fate of Poland, their neighbour and ally, yet 
follow her example, and are far advanced in her 
path. The motto of their government should bo 
pride and poverty, and that of their pe pie, ignorance 
and misery. They can scarcely m iintdin their inde- 
pendence, though let entirely alone. They cannot 
resist the arms, nor have they much to allure the 
avarice of a conqueror; which last consideration will 
probably be their shield. 

Russia, from her local situation, cannot interfere 
effectually in the South of Europe. Her stren^jth 
though great, is like the inertness of nature. She 
has vast power of resistance ; but is little disposed 
for a distant attack. 

Prussia has no longer the great Frederic at her 
head. Her short-sighted policy and feeble counsels 
will soon restore her to her former insignificance ; 
nor will she be thought worthy to hold the stirrup of 
the modern Cesar. In the present eventful struggle, 
which threatens the liberties of Europe, the conduct 
of the Prussian cabinet is matter of admiration to a 
distant, impartial spectator. Does Prussia possess 
and feel that reciprocity of condition, which will en- 
able her to share, with France, the empire of Eu- 
rope? That surely is the language of her conduct. 
She might have given weight to a coalition; but, 
when standing alone, a single campaign will make 
her an inconsiderable province of France. 

Spain and Portugal are independent only in idea, 
and on paper. Their sovereignty is substantially- 
vested in France. For a century past, they have 
been but the effigies of kingdoms : they have a name 
to live, and are dead. In the last stages of a linger- 
ing but irrecoverable decline, they exhibit one among 
many other proofs, that a nation may perish by far 
other means, than those af war and conquest. 



1 1 2~ FRENCH REVOLUTION. 

The western shores of Europe, from ihe mouth of 
the Elbe to the strait of Gibraltar, are ail under 
the power of France. From that strait, her power 
extends to the south point of Italy, from thence to the 
head of the gulf of Venice, and from thence to the 
Rhine and Elbe; comprehending Portugal, Spain, 
Italy, Switzerland, France, part of Germany, the 
Netherlands, and the states of Holland. All these 
powers, if not provinciated, are in a state of degra- 
dation, waiting, in trembling suspense, the uplifted 
blow, which shall subjugate them forever.* 

The revolutionary parties in France, in quick suc- 
cession, have rushed on, impetuous as a whirlwind, 
from monarchy to anarchy ; from anarchy to democ- 
racy ; from democracy to oligarchy ; and from thence 
to despotism ; which, of all forms of government, is 
probably the only one, under which they can live. 
They have already made more than one complete 
revolution. In the irresistible and mighty whirl of 
their atFairs, they have brought to light a soldier of 
fortune, who unites the rapid genius and grand views 
of Alexander to the ambition and gocd fortune of 
Julius Cesar. lie has, even though not a French- 
man by nation, been able to curb, restrain, and di- 
rect the fury and pride of thirty millions of people, 
and to fix a double bridle in the jaws of mighty 
France. In the midst of flames, darts and daggers, 
he has founded and ascended an imperial throne, 
while thunders were bursting round his head, and 
volcanoes beneath his feet. He now reigns trium- 
phant over conspiracies at home and coalitions 
abroad. 

Like the great heroes of antiquity, he has infused* 
his own invincible spirit into his armies, which seem 
almost to rise out of the earth at the stamp ofhisfooU 
Let not Frenchmen complain of Bonaparte. He has 
done better for them, than they could do for them- 
selves, and has given them as good a government, as 
they are capable of receiving. 

*A short/orcver, truly I — Ed. 



FRENCH REVOLUTION. llS 

There is but one power in Europe, which can op*- 
pose any barrier to the crowning of his annbition : 
that is found in Great Britian. The British have 
been growing powerful by sea, for several ages. Their 
power, on the ocean, has at length become greater, 
than that of any other nation. They are masters of 
the whole world of waters; and, in a regular course 
of events, they must first be conquered by sea, before 
they can be by land. At present, the fleets of Eng- 
land are superior to all the fleets of Europe besides. 
But great revoluHons despise regularity, and delight 
in surprising mankind with unforeseen events; and, 
in the revolution we have been considering, events 
have taken place, which evince the weakness of cal- 
culation or conjecture, and warn us to be prepared 
for great and sudden changes. 

The eyes of Europe, nay, of all nations, are now 
turned toward France and England. If we regard 
the passions, the motives, the interests and viewa of 
the parties, we cannot say less, than that the strug* 
gle, v>^bich has already been long and fierce, is ex- 
treme and tremendous. Its issue, which involves 
great consequences, is still covered among the deep, 
designs of the Almighty. 

To an ye accustomed to view, in the affairs of na- 
tions, an overruling Providence, the French emperor 
cannot be considered otherwise, than as a special in- 
strument of that Providence, the full designs of which 
no creature can foresee. It may be, that one end of 
this great revolution is to punish Christian nations for 
their astonishing wickedness and ingratitude, under 
all their privileges, which they have spurned and 
trampled in the dust : and, of course, that the wheel 
will continue to roll, till those, whom God has marked 
out as the objects of his anger, shall be sifted out and 
driven away before the rough wind of his indigna- 
tion. 

Ir^finite Wisdom attaches less value and importance 
to states and empires, than men do. To the All-see- 
3(3 



114 FRENCH REVOLUTION. 

ing Eye, an empire is but a bubble ; even all the 
nations of men are but as the dust of the balance — a 
thousand years are but as one day, and one day as a 
thousand years. That Providence, whose wheels are 
high and dreadful, crushes, in a moment, the grandest 
of human institutions, whose foundations were deeply 
laid and strongly fortified, and whose superstructures 
have been rising and decorating for ages. 

To those, who place confidence in the truth and 
reality of revealed religion, the present seems a mo- 
ment of peril and alarm to the old national establish- 
ments of Europe, whether civil or ecclesiastical. It 
is their almost universal belief, that the time cannot 
be far distant, when the Son of God is to put down 
all rule, and ail authority and power, and set up his 
own kingdom throughout the world. Before this 
great event, there must be changes and revolutions ; 
and the Almighty Redeemer shall, in his own time 
and way, show who is the blessed and only Potentate, 
the King of kings and Lord of lords. 

Whatever may be the advantages and improve- 
ments of Europe, in its present state, (and they are 
many) we there see many reasons to deplore the folly, 
the depravity and the madness of our species. The 
life of man, when compared with endless duration, 
or even when viewed wiih relation to the important 
ends of his existence on earth, is very short. To 
see nations eagerly engaged in mutual destruction, 
laboring incessantly to push their fellow creatures 
from the stage of action, is shocking beyond expres- 
sion. Yet such seems to be the business of the prin- 
cipal powers of the most enlightened and civilized 
quarter of the globe. They surely are as forgetful of 
their duty and destiny, as they are mistaken in the 
pursuit of happiness. How^ ill prepared are they to 
go from the crimes and horrors of the bloody field, 
into the presence of their final Judge ? 

Is the tide of ruin and desolation never to cease? 
Are the dark ages returning, with redoubled horror, 



RUSSIA IN ASIA. 115 

ipon mankind ? or shall light and peace break forth, 
ike the sun from behind a cloud ? 

....." THOU only know'st— 

Thou, whose broad eye the future and the past 
Joins to the present, making one of three." 



CHAPTER XL 

THE PRESENT STATE OF ASIA. 

THE people of Asia may be considered under 
even grand divisions. The Russians possess the 
lorlhern ; the Chinese, the eastern ; the Indians the 
outh-eastern ; the Persians, the southern ; the Ara- 
►ians, the south-western ; the Turks, the western ; 
ind the Tartars, the central regions, of this great 
livision of the globe. Our view of Asia, though 
ery brief, will be two-fold. We shall first direct the 
lye of the reader to these grand divisions separately, 
vith an intention to notice some of the peculiarities 
>f each ; and, secondly, we shall notice certain things 
n which they all agree ; and shall close with remarks 
ipplicable to the whole. 

I.RUSSIA IN ASIA. 

Few govi^rnments in the world are more despotic 
ban that of Russia; and, for the last hundred years, 
hat government has generally been in hands, which 
nanaged its proper machinery with incredible skill 
md energy. From Petersburgh, the royal residence, 
ituated at the head of the gulf of Finland, this em- 
)sre extends eastward to the amazing distance of 
ieveral thousand miles, to the eastern ocean, or sea 
jf Kamschatka. Yet, over so considerable a portion 
)f the globe, the imperial mandates are spread with 
istonishing celerity, and are obeyed without mur- 
nurs or delays. 



116 RUSSIA IN ASIA. 

The Russians of Asia are of a more mild and amia* 
ble character, than those of Europe. Their numerous 
tribes Jive in pleasant countries ; their towns and vil- 
lages being situated in extensive plains, and on the 
banks of noble and majestic rivers. It is said there 
is scarce a hill of any considerable size from Peters- 
burgh to Pekin ; and through those vast plains many 
rivers meander in various directions. Some late 
geographers say, there are no less than eight rivers, 
■which run a course of two thousand miles. But the 
North of Asia, like that of Europe, still abounds in 
forests, many of which are of very great extent. 

The people in those extensive countries, are yet in 
a barbarous state, not very many degrees in advance 
of the savage. They have no point of union, nor 
combination, but what is found in the powerful arm 
of government. They speak many languages, and 
are of many different religions ; for although the 
Christian religion and the Greek church are establish- 
ed in the empire, yet most of the remote provinces 
are still pagans, or, indeed, have no settled notions 
of the Deity, nor forms of worship. 

But notwithstanding many gloomy and forbidding 
circumstances in the condition of the Russian empire, 
it is probably improving faster than any other part 
of Asia ; or, to speak more properly, it is improv- 
ing in some small degree ; which can scarcely be 
said of any other part of that quarter of the globe. 
The people are becoming more agricultural ; a re- 
gular commerce begins to awaken a spirit of enter- 
prise ; civility gains ground ; the arts and sciences 
are spreading their benign influence in some very 
remote provinces. The great Catharine erected 
schools, and opened several missions in the provinces 
bordering on Kamschatka, and offered adequate en- 
couragement to emigrants disposed to settle in those 
countries. 

The vast plains of Russia facilitate land carriage ; 
and her numerous large rivers render easy the trans- 



EUSSIA l« ASIA. 1 17 

portation of their various commodities from one 
country and region to another. 

As early as the tenth century, the Russians make 
some inconsiderable appearance in the histories of 
Europe. The ancient capital of the empire is Moscow, 
There every monarch must be crowned, before he 
can be acknowledged sovepeign of all the Russias, 
But the empire was in a state of the utmost barbarity 
before the reign of Peter the Great. No monarch of 
modern times, or, perhaps, of any age or nation, ever 
did more for his empire, than Peter did for his. He 
condensed the resources of a multitude of tribes ; he 
combined their strength in a regular plan of govern- 
ment ; he put a stop to their incessant wars among 
themselves ; he exterminated innumerable banditti 
of robbers, which infested, and fearlessly ravaged all 
those countries 5 he built cities, removed forests, 
caused the earth to be cultivated, settled the inhabi- 
tants of his empire in fixed places, and reclaimed 
them from the roving life and precarious subsistence 
of the Tartars. Peter did more than all this. He 
did not encourage merelj^, but he originated the arts 
and sciences among bis people. He built a city, 
which, in less than a century, merited a place in the 
first rank of cities. To that city, he invited, from all 
parts of the world, the most able mechanics, and the 
most elegant artists, whom he encouraged with royal 
munificence. Not contended with a most powerful 
land force, be determined to be known on the watery 
element. With this view he became a ship carpen- 
ter, and worked with his own hands in the ship yard ; 
he studied the art of navigation, and practised it; 
he surveyed the shores and coasts of the Caspian sea, 
and drew, with his own hands, an elegant chart, 
which he presented to the museum at Paris ; in short, 
he raised his empire to the first rank among the 
powers of the world. 

There is something singular in the military charac- 
ter of the Russians. Thev are remarkable for pas* 
30* 



118 TURKEY IN ASIA. 

sive valor. It is said they will endure the greatest fa- 
tigues and sufferings with patience and calmness. 
They wjII resist better than make an onset; though 
it is certain that very few nations in the world pro- 
duce better soldiers than the Russian. They have 
had several considerable wars with the Turks and 
Persians, over both of whom they have gained great 
advantages. It has been thought they would expel 
the Turks out of Europe, and put a period to the Ot- 
toman empire. Count Romanzow, in the reign of 
the great Catharine, defeated them in a series of 
battles, carried terror and conquest almost to the 
heart of the empire, and filled the world with the 
fame of his victories. 

II. TURKS IN ASIA. 

We have already noticed the history of the Turks ; 
but, in this place, it will be proper to regard them, a 
moment, as an Asiatic power: and, in so doing, we 
cannot avoid the reflection, how ditierent the people 
in the East have fared, from tiiose in the West of Asia. 
In the East, the empire of China, like a majestic lu- 
minary, has shone in glory uneclipsed and unrivalled, 
for 300t3 years. In the West, the Assyrians, the 
Persians, the Greeks, the Romans, the Goths, the 
Saracens., and at last, the Turks, have driven the 
ploughshare of destruction over the fairest provinces 
of the earth. To an eye or to a mind, that can con- 
.template 3000 years, as we can a day, the people in 
the West of Asia must have appeared like a nest of 
serpents, incessantly striving to destroy one another. 
But the simile utterly fails; for a nest of serpents, a 
den of tygers, the gloomy haunts where the deadliest 
monsters and dragons meet in concourse, are scenes 
of peace and friendship, in comparison with those 
wretched countries. 

After the wars of the Saracens and crusaders had 
spent their rage in Western Asia, the Turks, like an 
eruption of furies from the bottomless pit, overran 



TURlvEY IN ASIA. 119 

those countries. They established four independent 
kingdoms, whose capitals were Iconium, Bagdad, 
Aleppo, and Jerusalem. These institutions perii-hed, 
after a while, in the furnace of their own vices ; and, 
from their ashes, the Ottoman Turks, about the be- 
ginning of the 13th century, arose, to complete the 
wretchedness of Western Asia, in which their terri- 
tories were much the same, as those of the Romans. 

The remnant of the ancient inhabitants of those 
once flourishing countries, are now miserable beyond 
the powers of description. It will suffice to say, that 
they have no security of property or life. The 
petty tyrants, to whom the grand seignior commits 
the governments of those provinces, exercise their 
vices and villanies without remorse and without re- 
straint. In Thompson's and Volney's travels through 
Syria and Palestine, the character and condition of 
these wretched beings are fully described. 

The condition of the Turks themselves Is not a 
whit better than that of the other inhabitants. They 
are equally subjected to a barbarous tyranny, liable to 
similar extortion and injustice. They have nothing 
they can call their own — no right — no property — no 
security. They are liable to be murdered at mid- 
nisjht by unknown messengers, and for unknown 
crimes ; or they may be strangled at mid-day, in the 
midst of their friends and families, without any con- 
sciousness of guilt — without any form of trial — even 
without accusation or subsequent reasons assigned. 
*' Mystery," says one of the above writers, '^reigns 
round their habitations." All is fear, concealment, 
melancholy, and distrust ; they are forced to conceal 
their food and raiment ; they dare not make any 
show of opulence ; for the possession of wealth would 
work their ruin. 

The Turks, considered in all the various traits of 
their character, are probably the most unlovely of all 
nations. Their character is dark, unsocial, jealous, 
cruel and beastly, in its tranquil state. They are 



120 TURKEY IN ASIA. 

strongly addicted to the rough and violent passions; 
and when roused, their rage is vindictive, deadly and 
horrid beyond expression. 

The Christians of Asia are generally in Turkey. 
Their state is truly deplorable. They are literally 
trampled in the dust ; and the vilest of nriortals reign 
and triumph over them. They have but a name 
that they live, and are dead. They generally sub- 
scribe to the tenets, or rather the superstitions of 
the Greek church, but have departed far from the 
standard of truth ; and their distance from the purity 
and simplicity of the gospel is immense. It is to be 
feared, that they retain little more than the name of 
Christianity. 

The provinces of Turkey in Asia, exhibit a melan- 
choly proof of the changeable nature of all human 
affairs : they witness, to every observer, that the most 
flourishing institutions may decay and perish forever. 
Those countries were once rich, powerful and happy. 
They were blessed with a nnild and genial climate ; 
they enjoyed freedom and prosperity ; they were 
among the most enlightened and wise of the human 
race : but hov/ changed is the scene ! Such of their 
advantages, as a bad government could not destroy, 
nor a barbarous people annihilate, have become use- 
less, or are altogether unknown. Their fertile fields 
have lain so long uncultivated, that their fruitfulness 
is forgotten. Their fine harbors are visited by few 
sails, except those of foreigners. The ruins of their 
ancient cities and temples are stupendous proofs of 
the opulence and glory of former ages, and of the 
degeneracy and wretchedness of the present times. 

If the Turkish power in Europe is on the decline, 
which is not to be doubted, it is much more so in 
Asia, The connexion between the parts of that exten- 
sive empire, is growing more feeble, and evidently 
declines with the energy of governmet; a disease 
natural to great empires, whose distant provinces, if 
powerful and rebellious, will bring more expense. 



ARABIA. 121 

than profit, to their masters ; and, if weak and de- 
fenceless, will certainly not be worth defending. 

The government of the Turkish empire bears some 
faint resemblance to the Feudal System ; but, in one 
important respect, perhaps more, to that of the an- 
cient Romans, The revenues of the provinces seem 
to be farmed out. Each bashaw, or superior lord, 
undertakes to pay such a sum annually into the pub- 
lic treasury: and he has a province, district, or city 
allotted him, on which he is to levy that sum ; and, 
in fact, as much more, as his ingenious and merciless 
avarice can lay hold of. If the province is large, 
this bashaw or bey commonly parcels it out, in the 
same manner, to his vassals. Every species of op- 
pression and injustice, of cruelty and extortion, is 
practised, and has been, for so long a time, that the 
whole country is completely ruined, and, though 
naturally rich, has become one of the poorest in the 
world. By these means, the Turkish empire is fast 
declining, and, by one vigorous effort of some neigh- 
boring power, might be ovei thrown. Thirty years 
ago, it was thought the Russians would accomplish 
it. It is now laid out as a part of the future task of 
the modern Cesar. 

JII. ARABIANS. 

We have already taken some notice of the origin 
and general history of the Arabians. A remarkable 
circumstance respecting them is, that they have never 
been conquered. For that, however, two very natu- 
ral reasons may be assigned : first, they have never 
possessed much, which was worth conquering, or 
could allure a conqueror — and secondly, the situation 
of their country is eminently secure from invasion, 
especially considering their mode of defence. Their 
country, w hich is upwards of a thousand miles square, 
forms exactly the southwest part of Asia, as Spain 
and Portugal do of Europe j and is commonly divided 



122 ARABIA. 

into three parts, viz. Arabia Petrasa, Arabia Deserta, 
and Arabia Felix. Arabia Felix, or the Happy, is said 
to be one of the most delightful regions upon earth. 
The truth is, these flattering accounts are more fre- 
quently taken from legendary tales, than from real 
facts. In such parts of Arabia as are well watered, 
vegetation is, indeed, luxuriant beyond conception ; 
and some of the most valuable odours and choice per- 
fumes are the produce of that country. The people 
generally live in tents, and, of course, their manner of 
life is roving, like that of the Tartars and Scythians. 
Obtaining a precarious subsistence with little labor, 
they are addicted to every species of theft. They 
will receive you with kindness ; entertain you with 
the utmost hospitality; divide with you their last 
loaf; and then increase their store, by^ stealing from 
you all that you have. They seem to prefer not to take 
life; but, on an emergency they will rob and murder. 

Arabia has been goverr.ed, at tiuies, by powerful 
monarchs, who have brought great and very effective 
armies into the field ; and various attemps have been 
made to subdue and explore that country by their 
powerful neighbors. Arabia Felix is, indeed, a se- 
questered country. It is skirted round on all sides 
by seas and sandy deserts ; and the nature of the 
country and the modes of fighting practised by the 
Arabs, have rendered it difficult and dangerous of 
access ; and it has been regarded as a kind of mys- 
terious and forbidden ground. 

The last attempt to conquer this country was made 
by the Turks, commanded, if we mistake not, by 
Amurath II. about the year 1468. The haughty 
Turk, at the head of a great army, flushed with con- 
tinual victory, advanced into Arabia, determined to 
rend the veil, which had long covered that country, 
and to know what was in it, and whether it was worth 
conquering. As he advanced toward the interior of 
the country, a herald, on horseback, met him, and 
warned him to retire, telling him, that though the 



ARABIA. 123 

Arabians had no war with the Turks, yet, if he ad- 
vanced farther, he would have reason to repent of 
his temerity. The sultan treated the message with 
contempt, and pushed forward at the head of his 
army. At length there was preceived a cloud of 
dust arising, and before the cause of it could be well 
discovered, his army was attacked by a formidable 
column of 40,000 horse. Their approach was like a 
whirlwind ; and the Turks, already wearied with 
wading in the sand, were blinded and sutTocated with 
dust, and were cut in pieces without much resistance. 
The sultan mounted on a fleet horse, had the good 
fortune to make his escape, with a few of his guards, 
and recover his own dominions, and being fully satis- 
fied with one attempt upon Arabia, he chose rather 
to sustain his disgrace, than retrieve his honor by 
hazarding a second. 

The Arabain horses are famous for strength and 
swiftness; and the men of that country are excellent 
horsemen. So great is their dexterity, that it is said 
they will throw forward tlieir lances and recover 
them from the ground, while on full speed. Their 
mode of fighting is extremely desultory, and their 
military tactics peculiar to themselves ; yet their at- 
tack is tierce and terrible, and can only be resisted 
by the most disciplined valor. 

The Arabic language is soft, liquid and harmoni- 
ous, by reason of an uncommon prevalence of vowel 
sounds. Notwithstanding the singular character of 
this people, they have not been destitute of science. 
During the dark ages, the Saracens were, perhaps, 
the most scientific people in the world. They intro- 
duced learning into Europe. Several of the sciences 
they improved; and they justly claim the honor of 
being the inventors of algebra. In arithmetic, we 
follow them generally, and especially in the use of 
their numerical characters. 

It is both difficult and dangerous for Europeans to 
travel in that country. The hardships and perils, to 



124 PERSIANS. 

which they must be exposed, are verv great. Of 
course the present state of the country cannot be 
\ery well known. We shall close on this article with 
rennarking, how wonderfully fitted nciankind are to 
sustain the inconveniences of all climates. The Be- 
douin Arabs, in large collections or hordes, at certain 
seasons of the year, will visit the sea-ports and com- 
mernal cities, for the purpose of bartering their com- 
modities, and procuring such articles as they need. 
When this is,done, they plunge again into the track- 
less regions of their native deserts, where they spend 
the year. But how they live, or what they subsist 
upon, that Being only knows, who clothes the fields 
with grass, and feeds the young ravens when they cry. 

IV. PERSIANS. 

The Persians alone, of the ancient empires in the 
West of Asia, have preserved and perpetuated their 
existence as an independent nation.* They were, 
indeed, subdued by Alexander; but that cowquest, at 
last, terminated in the overthrow of the Greeks them- 
selves. The Persians became surprisingly renovated, 
and were able, on the decline of the Greeks, to resist 
the arms of Rome, as well as those of the Scythians, 
Saracens, Turks and Russians. In the year of Christ, 
1750, the celebrated Thamas Kouli Khan ascended 
the Persian throne, and was one of the most power- 
ful monarchs of his time. He invaded India, took 
Delhi, and returoed to his own dominions, loaded 
with immense riches. No power baffled and defeat- 
ed the Turks oftencr, than the Persians did ; and 
Emir Hamzi, the famous Persian, was doubtless, the 
greatest warrior in Asia during his time. Had he 
not been cruelly murdered, as was supposed, by the 
order of his unnatural father, he would probably have 
put a final stop to the progress of the Turkish arms. 

* The Arabians can hardly be considered, as a political body, 
ccwstitating an empire. 



PERSIANS. 125 

The Persians, as a nation, are brave, polite, civil, 
and courteous to strangers ; but extremely ostenta- 
tious, vain-glorious and proud. Their country, like 
Arabia, can boast of some most pleasant and delight- 
ful places. All travellers speak in raptures of the 
richness, luxuriance and pleasantness of the vale of 
Shiraus: but, in general, Persia is excessively dry, 
having few rivers, brooks, or springs of water. It is 
no easy matter to conceive, how the inhabitants ob- 
tain a sufficiency of water for necessary uses. They 
seldom have rain, and no country has a more arid 
atmosphere. 

In very northern climates, dire necessity compels 
mankind to continual labor, to avoid perishing with 
cold and hunger. In the middle countries of the 
temperate zone, industry is partly necessary to sub- 
sistence 5 but it is oftener prompted by honor and 
ambition. But as we approach the torrid zone, the 
earth produces more spontaneously ; where it is 
fruitful, it is abundantly so ; and the people are able 
to live with little exertion. It is impossible, that the 
inhabitants of hot climates, as for instance, of Arabia 
and Persia, should exercise the laborious industry of 
England and Holland : and, of course, they are pro- 
vided for without. It is however worthy of remark, 
and of gratitude to Providence, that in very hot cli- 
mates, great industry is rewarded with great profit 
and advantage; as in the cases of ancient Carthage 
and Egypt. If the people of southern climates, 
adapting their labours to the nature of their countries, 
would practise the industry of the north, empire, in- 
dependence and glory would soon return to those 
countries they have long forsaken; and would cer- 
(ainly give a preference to their ancient seats. 

To form a just estimate of any nation, it is neces- 
sary to look carefully into their internal, as well as 
external state. Our views of the people of Asia, in 
these respects, must be imperfect and* superficial, at 
best. There is but little intercourse between the 
31 



1 26 TARTARY. 

Persians and any nation of Europe. The wide dif- 
ference in language, manners, religion and govern- 
ment, sets bars between them very difficult to be pass- 
ed. We cannot but believe, that the condition of the 
great body of the people in Persia, is very miserable. 
The superstition, absurdities and even vices of their 
religion, are extreme. Their government is cruel, 
capricious, and arbitrary. Many things are there 
sanctioned by custom, which in any part of Europe, 
would fill mankind with horror and rage, if we ex- 
cept Turkey : and even the Turkish government is 
less despotic than the Persian. 

People of fashion in this country are graceful in 
their persons; and although their complexion is 
somewhat darker than that of the European nations, 
yet their countenances, rather Roman than Grecian, 
are expressive, and often display the most delicate 
lines of beauty. But the common people, who are 
much exposed to the sun, are considerably swarthy. 

The Persians have neither greatly excelled, nor 
been greatly deficient, in literature. The late justly 
celebrated Sir William Jones, the most skilful in Asi- 
atic learning of any European of modern times, has 
given some elegant specimens of Persian poetry in 
English translation. They can, however, boast of no 
very great writers, either in poetry or prose. Not- 
withstanding ail their attainments, they must be con- 
sidered in the light of barbarians ; and it is difficult 
to say, whether they are now emerging from ignorance 
and barbarity, or sinking deeper in them. 

V. TARTARY. 

The boundaries of Tartary have never been ascer- 
tained. The central regions of Asia, from time im- 
memorial, have been inhabited by numerous tribes 
of roving people. They have rarely been combined 
under one head, although that event is supposed to 
have taken place in the 13th century, under the reign 



TARTAR Y. 127 

of Ghenghis Khan, and again in the 15th, under Tam- 
erlane. These people were anciently called Scy- 
thians. Their character has been surprisingly uni- 
form in all ages. During the time of the four great 
monarchies, whose history has been sketched in the 
first volume of this work, they were but too well 
known by their formidable irruptions into the civiliz- 
ed provinces of Asia and Europe; the first of which 
w^as in the reign of Cyaxares I. king of Media. 

Our best geo«jraphers state very little with cer- 
tainty concerning the vast countries of Tartary* 
Travelling in those countries is difficult and danger- 
ous ; and the nature of the intercourse, kept up with 
them by their more civilized neighbors, is not such, 
as to draw \€vy satisfactory intelligence from them. 
They may be regarded as fruitful sources of regret 
and sorrow. From various circumstances and known 
facts, it is not to be doubted, that the middle parts of 
Asia equal in richness and fertility, and especially in 
pleasantness and beauty, anv part of tb^ CCIitirjcnr. 
Though vastly distant from 'the ocean, the countries 
are well watered, and extend almost the width of the 
temperate zone. They have numerous lakes, where 
numberless rivers and rivulets discharge their waters. 
There majestic rivers meander slowly through de- 
lightful and extensive plains. The verdure of an 
ahnost perpetual spring clothes their banks in peren- 
nial bloom and sweetness. Yet those fair scenes 
seem formed only to be seen by the eye of savages, 
never to be enriched by handsome villages and flour- 
ishing cities; or made the charming abodes of sci- 
ence, virtue, order and humanity. 

The Tartars, though not entire savages, are but 
little better. They are very slovenly in their persons 
and dress, and have no notion of cleanliness, taste or 
order in their habitations. Their property consists 
chiefly in horses and cattle, of which some of them 
possess a great number. Their title to land is mere 
occupancy. When they have consumed the pastures 



128 INDIA. 

of. a particular place, they remove to some other. 
Thej claim no title to any place but what they pos- 
sess for the time being. In some places, however, 
they have habitations more settled, and do even live 
in cities. 

They seem to have no regular or consistent notions 
of religion or government. They commonly profess 
subjection to some chieftain, and in time of war, or 
upon an excursion for rapine, follow his standard ; 
but, as to the nature of their civil government, or 
whether they have any, properly speaking, we are 
not prepared to say. They certainly have ideas of 
a distinction between right and wrong, on which they 
found certain maxims, resembling a code of morality ; 
but their penal code differs little from an indefinite 
rule of personal retaliation. 

There seems to be no prospect of their improving 
in either of the three important articles of religion, 
government, or civilization. We think ourselves war- 
*'^;^ted in saying, thsit they have not improved for the 
last two thousand years, in either of these respects. 

VI. INDIA. 

The river Indus gives name to nearly one quarter 
of the surface of the terraqueous globe. One of the 
great oceans, half the islands in the world, nearly a 
quarter of the continent of Asia, and all the original 
inhabitants of the new continent are called for it. 
The country of India forms the south part of Asia, 
as Russia does the north. North of it lies Tartary ; 
east and south, the Pacific and Indian oceans ; and 
west, the empire of Persia. 

The wealth of India has, in every age, been even 
proverbial. So great is the fame of its wealth, that 
when we hear its name pronounced, we immediately 
think of a land of wealth. The riches of India con- 
sist in the natural fertility of the soil, which is height- 
ened and perfected by the best climates ; the advan- 



INDIA. 129 

(ages of commerce and navigation ; the greatest 
plenty of all the necessaries, conveniences, and luxu- 
ries of life ; rich mines ; and abundance of gold, 
silver, and jewels ; and a race of people who seem 
to be naturally virtuous,* honest, pacific, ingenious, 
industrious, somewhat enterprising, and immensely 
numerous. In the course of their commerce, they 
are not fond of receiving the commodities of other 
nations in exchange for their own : they never pay 
money, nor make war upon other nations. 

Exclusive of the internal trade of India, that coun- 
try has, from the earliest ages, carried on two great 
branches of foreign commerce ; one by land, and the 
other by sea. As from that country, every thing 
valuable, beautiful, rich, or useful was to be obtained, 
all commercial nations sought an interest in its trade. 
The Chinese, the Tartars, Persians, Arabians, Syrians 
and Egyptians, traded with them by land ; and the 
numberless commodities of India were transported by 
numerous caravans, on the backs of camels, dromeda- 
ries, mules, and horses, to very distant nations. The 
wealth and glory of many ancient cities of Asia, rose 
from this trade; of which the splendid and magnifi- 
cent city of Palmyra was once the grand mart and 
emporium. This city, situated between Arabia and 
Syria, bordering on the deserts, was once the deposit 
of the wealth of the east, from whence it was again 
dispersed through numerous channels to the west of 
Asia, to Europe and Africa. This city, far more 
splendid, but less warlike than Rome itself, flourished 
for ages, and was at length destroyed by the emperor 
Aurelian. its last monarch was the illustrious but un- 
fortunate queen, Zenobia, whose counsels were direct- 
ed by the celebrated Longinus, as already noticed, 
one of the last luminaries of Grecian literature. 

The Phenicians, Carthaginians, Greeks, Sicilians 
and Romans, and, in later times, the Italians and 

• It is ascertained that the Hindoos are generally at a great re- 
move from virtue. — Ed. 
31* 



130 INDIA, 

many other powers of Europe, have pursued the In- 
dian trade hy sea. Till the Portuguese had doubled 
the Cape of Good Hope, the common voyage to India 
was from the ports of the Red Sea, through the 
strait of Babelmandel, and across the Indian ocean. 
The majestic ruins of Palmyra demonstrate the for- 
mer greatness of her wealth and commercial impor- 
tance : indeed the same remark applies to the great 
cities of Egypt — to Tyre, Sidon, &c. 

At present the naval commerce of India is almost 
engrossed by Great Britian, whose subjects, tributa- 
ries, or allies, extending far up the river Ganges, are 
said to comprehend some of the fairest and richest 
parts of India. The British trade to India has be- 
come the most lucrative, important, and dignified 
system of commerce ever carried on. It cannot, in- 
deed, be viewed without astonishment. The English 
people, by means of the South Sea and India compa- 
nies, are able almost to command the wealth and 
credit of the globe. 

The interior parts of India, especially beyond the 
Ganges, arc but little known. It is a very great 
cofintry, and somewhat more mountainous, than the 
more northerly parts of Asia. The people of India, 
regarding the whole section of Asia called by their 
name, are probably among the most mild and pacific 
of all (he human race. They never have been famous 
for war in any age. They have doubtless had wars, 
both foreign and domestic, and perhaps several, of 
which we have no knowledge. They have several 
limes been invaded, in different ages of the world, as 
it is said, b}^ Sesostris, Semiramis, Cyrus, Alexander, 
Ghenghis Khan, Tamerlane, and of late, by the Per- 
sians, under Thamas Kouli Khan. But the English 
invasion of India will be attended with the most se- 
rious consequ^ces to that country ; and it is feared, 
with little good. Their conquests comprehend nearly 
as great a territory and as many people, as they pos- 



INDIA. 131 

sess in Europe.* But if those conquests have in- 
creased the power of Great Britain, they have pro- 
duced a contrary effect on the unhappy Indians, 
They have quite altered the face of things in that 
country. The name of Hastings will descend to 
posterity blackened with indelible guilt and infamy ; 
and it would be well for the English people if Has- 
tings were the only man, who had been guilty of ex- 
ercising cruelty, extortion and outrage upon the de- 
fenceless Indians. 

Hastings, after remaining long enough in power in 
India, to amass a princely fortune — after practising 
the most horrid, outrageous cruelty, and every crime, 
which can blacken and deform the human character, 
returned, in triumph, to his native country, to enjoy 
in quiet the spoils of innocence, and to riot in luxury 
on the fruits of extortion. A feint was made towards 
bringing him to justice : but what was the issue ? In- 
stead of suffering an infamous death for crimes wor- 
thy of eternal perdition, his wealth enabled him to 
set justice at defiance ; his infinite turpitude was 
gilded over with a title of nobility, and he became 
Lord Hastings, 

The English conquests in India will probably be 
attended with disastrous consequences to that coun- 
try. The Indians will directly lose all motives to in^ 
dustry ; and, in addition to their own constitutional 
and national vices, they will learn those of their cruel 
conquerors and unjust oppressors. Industry and 
enterprise can only go hand in hand with liberty and 
justice. Those people, finding themselves oppressed, 
insulted, crushed, and forever abandoned to hopeless 
slavery and misery, will give up all as lost — will 
become utterly useless to themselves and others, and 
regard death as the only alternative of hope. The 
country will grow miserable and poor; and will fol- 
low the footsteps of Carthage, of Egypt and of all 

*The British subjects in Europe are supposed to be about 17 
millions ; those in India, about 90 millions.— Ed. 



132 INDIA. 

Western Asia. Trade will gradually fall ; and the 
wealth and abundance of those countries exist only 
on the page of history. Should they change masters, 
they would still be the losers. Should Great Britain 
fall, even independence might revisit India too late. 
What advantage could Egypt or Syria reap from the 
fall of the Turkish empire ? Nothing but the slow 
revolving wheel of numerous ages, or the more imme- 
diate intervention of almighty power, can restore 
those unhappy countries. Before any probable or 
natural* course of events can restore the West of 
Asia to what it once was, it is probable the destiny of 
the earth itself will be complete, and the wheels of 
nature cease to move. 

The Indian character and temper seem very mild 
and placid ; yet no people are more inveterate or 
more obstinate in their religious prejudices. With 
them, religion is, properly speaking, the property and 
business of a particular class or set of people. The 
rest neither know, nor are allowed to know or care, 
any thing about it. They have certain notions of 
the Deity, of futurity and of virtue and vice. The 
people, at large, are required to perform a certain 
roline of duties, consisting chiefly in useless formali- 
ties, and unmeaning or ridiculous ceremonies : but as 
to the great business of intercourse with the Deity, 
or knowledge of him, it is wrapped in mystery, and 
belongs to the priests or bramins. 

The immense country of India, from the river In- 
dus to the eastern ocean, was probably never united 
under one government. Its present state is not clear- 
ly known to the best of our geographers. Monarchy 
is the only kind of government existing in any part 
of Asia ; but, in India, it seems to be of a less fierce, 
cruel, and despotic nature, than it is in the west. 
The most predominant crime among the Hindoos is 

* The author undoubtedly believed, that by the grace of God, 
that wretched country would ere long rejoice and blossom as the 
rose,— -Ed. 



CHINA. 1 33 

said to be suicide. They have little fear of futurity, 
and are impatient of present evils : they therefore 
take, as they suppose, the directest way to get rid of 
them. 

When shall they become free, enlightened, and 
happy ? As far as we know, they rather degenerate, 
than improve. In the time of Cyrus the Great, they 
were more enterprising, and probably far more pow- 
erful, than they now are. Under the command of 
Porus, they made a formidable resistance to the con- 
quering arms of Alexander; but now, three or four 
British regiments will strike terror through India, 
subdue their most powerful princes, and levy contri- 
butions on the most opulent provinces. 

VIL CHINA. 

The Chinese are truly a wonderful people ; and 
China, in various respects, is the most extraordinary 
empire that ever existed. Whnthpr we regard length 
of duration, number of inhabitant:, their uniformity, 
steady economy and amazing industry, the world has 
never furnished a parallel to China. 

According to the best accounts, which can be ob- 
tained on the subject, China has been a great and 
flourishing empire nearly 3,900 years. She has held 
one steady and dignified course, while the nations in 
the West of Asia and Europe have been fluctuating, 
like waves, and expiring, like meteors in a troubled 
sky. 

The accounts given of the population of China, 
though seemingly credible, are perfectly astonishing. 
There are said to be above three hundred millions of 
people in that empire — of course more than one third 
of the inhabitants of the whole globe.* But China 
possesses every advantage necessary to sustain a 

* The inhabitants of the Chinese empire amount probably to 
about 185 millions. See Worcester's Gazetteer and Geography. 

-Ed. 



134 CHINA. 

great population. Nearly as large as half of Europe, 
her territories lie in the pleasantest part of the tem- 
perate zone, and abound in many of the most useful 
productions of the earth. China produces whatever 
might be expected from an excellent soil in th€ high- 
est state of cultivation. Such is the unparalleled in- 
dustry and diligence of this people, that their coun- 
try, though more than 1200 miles square, is all under 
the most advantageous improvement. They sutfer 
no land to lie waste. Their steep side-hills and 
mountains, even to their summits, are tilled with as 
much care, as we till our gardens. The very mild 
winters which prevail in the middle and southern 
parts, render their subsistence attainable with far less 
labor and expense. They have no need, that their 
country should be half covered with forest to supply 
them with fuel. 

The Chinese subsist more on farinaceous food, 
than the Europeans. Their country produces vast 
qtiantities of rice, which forms the chief article of 
their diet, and is a most nutritive and agreeable kind 
of food. Regularity of life, industry, subordination 
and a particular cast of genius, form the discriminat- 
ing traits in the Chinese character. In many na- 
tions, and especially in Europe, there is a certain un- 
evenness of mind, an instability and eccentricity of 
character, which render mankind fickle, rash, vola- 
tile, and often perfidious. The Chinese have less of 
this than any other nation. Their habits, customs 
and modes of life are laid on such solid foundations, 
and have, for an uninterrupted course of nearly forty 
centuries, acquired a maturity and permanence, which 
will be broken up only with their empire. 

Europeans, who have seen the interior parts of 
China, are astonished with the marks of their indus- 
try, which appear in every thing that strikes the eye. 
The vastness of their cities, their highways, their 
bridges of amazing form and construction, and espe- 
cially their canals, exceed those of all nations. The 



CHINA. 135 

country is peculiarly favorable for canals ; and it is 
intersected and cut into almost numberless islands, 
by those beautiful, artificial rivers. Many of their 
vessels are a kind of floating houses, which can carry 
sail, in which families live, are brought up, and trans- 
act all their business. 

The face of their country is formed by spacious 
plains, and i^egular hills, with some mountains. The 
suburbs of their great cities are formed by large and 
populous villages ; and their villages, overspread all 
the country; so that you scarcely know what is city, 
and what is country. The country at large resem- 
bles an unbounded continuity of flourishing towns and 
villages. Their st_y le of building is not very superb ; 
yet, in the article of houscrpainting, no other nation 
equals them. Their houses are covered with paint, 
which appears like varnish or japan work, which 
gives them a glossy brightness, and will resist the 
sun and the weather. The internal structure of their 
houses is far inferior to those of our own country. 
But there are certain evils, which, at times, result 
from their immense population. In spite of all their 
industry, they are considerably liable to a scarcity of 
provision. 

The people of China are divided into various or- 
ders, among which an invariable, absolute subordina- 
tion reigns. These classes know, perfectly well, their 
rank, their privileges and the^r duties. They seldom 
interfere with one another ; nor does any person rise 
to a higher rank, unless it is by some uncommon oc- 
currence. The various orders of people are distin- 
guished by the color and fashion of their dress ; and 
what is very remarkable, the dress of all ranks and 
orders is regulated by law. 

The Chinese monarchy, though absolute, seems to 
be the mildest, and perhaps is the wisest in the world. 
It is in a great measure patriarchal. The sovereign 
is regarded as the father of his people. He consults 
their interest, endeavors to promote their happi- 



136 ASIA 

ness ; and they, in return, seldom resist his will. The 
government is extremely jealous of the powers of 
Europe ; and with great reason. The late English 
embassy, conducted by lord Macartney, proved ut- 
terly useless. The emperor of China, after having 
graciously received, and for a while entertained the 
English embassador, gave him a kind of tablet, on 
which was written certain moral and civil maxims of 
advice respecting the conduct of kingSi, and desired 
him to present it to his master, the king of England, 
as a token of his friendship. 

The Chinese despise the idea of receiving improve- 
ments from other nations, and especially from Europe, 
In religion, government, art and science, they adhere 
firmly to their ancient customs and maxims. Their 
religion is a mixture of superstition, idolatry, and 
certain moral maxims and rules drawn from the in- 
stitutions of Confucius, their ancient lawgiver. 

The conduct of the Jesuits and other Romish mis- 
sionaries, was the cause of closing and barring the 
doors of China against all Christian nations. They 
%vere found to be interfering with the government 
and internal policy of that country, and, of course, 
were forever debarred all intercourse. That was a 
most unfortunate event, as it fixed in the minds of the 
Chinese, a prejudice, not soon to be wiped away. 

VIII. ASIA IN GENERAL. 

1. It is time we dismiss the consideration of par- 
ticulars, and take a more general view of this noble 
and important quarter of the earth. The Almighty 
Creator and Governor of the world has distinguished 
and dignified Asia above the other grand divisions of 
the globe, in various respects. Here the grand pro- 
genitors of the human race began to people and re- 
plenish the earth. Here the delightful bowers of 
Paradise diffused their fragrance, and displayed their 
beauty. Here the first empires were founded ; and 



IN GENERAL. 137 

the first principles of social order and civil combina- 
tion began their career. From this, as from a cen- 
tral point, the first families of the earth were spread 
abroad, and grew into nations and kingdoms. Here 
the mighty work of redemption was accomphshed, by 
the incarnation and death of the Son of God, to bring 
about which was the ultimite design of creation and 
Providence : and here wat Urst set up that kingdom 
which is to endure throughout all generations, and 
which is finall}^ to fill the earth with its glory. 

2. As Asia is the largest of the grand divisions of 
the globe, so it, in general, possesses the most excel- 
lent soil, and the fairest and most regular climates. 
It produces, accordingly, every thing useful, valuable, 
rich and beautiful. The most important and useful 
kinds of grain ; all the precious metals ; a great vari- 
ety of most valuable jewels; the richest silks; the 
most excellent drugs and medicines ; and in a word, 
all the necessaries and all the luxuries of life, are 
there obtained in the richest abundance, and many 
of them, with little labor or expense. 

3. Asia seems to have been a region best adapted 
to the culture of the human species. We infer this 
from a remarkable fact, viz. that the savage nations 
of Europe, Africa and America are, and have been 
in every age, far more savage, and sunk much deeper 
on the scale of reason than those of Asia. Indeed, it 
has been affirmed by some, that a savage nation never 
existed in Asia. The Scythians and Tartars were 
nearest to a savage state ; but how far, indeed, were 
they above that state in several important respects. 
Their skill and power in war have been far superior 
to those of savages in the other quarters of the world. 
They nearly conquered the Medes and Persians ; and 
were always a terror to the Greeks and Romans, 
Their invasions have been conducted with a deep 
policy ; and their battle was always terrible. 

4. The Asiatics are generally of a milder and more 
pacific and amiable character, than most other na- 

32 



138 ASIA 

tions. This is very perceivable in the Russian em- 
pire, as soon as you pass out of Europe into Asia : 
you observe nnilder manners, and even a more soft 
and engaging countenance, together with more hos- 
pitality, and urbanity of treatment. The Persians 
and Hindoos are graceful and elegant in their form ,• 
and their deportment is politely civil ; indeed, Persia 
may, in some respects, be called the France of Asia. 
The ground we have taken in this article, is justified 
by comparing the wars of Asia with those of the 
other parts of the world. 

A few great conquerors, in distant ages of the 
world, have made considerable commotions, but in 
regard to wars, when did Asia ever resemble Europe 
in the times of Alexander, Cesar, Constantine, Char- 
lemagne, Lewis XIV. or Napoleon ? When was Asia 
seen in the state, in which Europe has been for ten 
years past ? Should it be objected, that they are 
pacific, because they are ignorant ; for the sake of 
peace then, let all nations become ignorant, as soon 
as possible. But that is not a fact. It is not owing 
to their ignorance. The governments of China, In- 
dia, Persia and Arabia know as well the state of their 
neighbors, as those of Europe do. 

According to the tenor of the above objection, it is 
much best for nations to be ignorant. If knowledge 
will set men to killing one another with diabolical 
rage and infernal malice; yea, if it will make men, 
in this respect, worse than devils, it had better be let 
alone. Our Saviour affirms, that there is a degree of 
union in Satan's kingdom ; and a great poel declares, 

"Devil with devil damn'd, firm concord hold — 

*• Men only disagree, of creatures rational.'* — Milton. 

5. That the nations of Asia have never sunk so 
low into a savage state, as many others, seems to be 
owing to their very great natural advantages, of 
which, if they had made a proper improvement, they 
might have risen to an astonishing height of learn- 
ing, wisdom and virtue. But here they have failed. 



IN GENERAL. 139 

On the soft bosom of luxury, they have been hushed 
to a long and inglorious repose. Their eyes seem 
forever shut to all true and solid glory. They never 
once look up to that distant and lofty summit, to 
which, man may rise by energy, by perseverance, 
integrity and virtue. They place the sum of happi- 
ness in rest — a most foolish and absurd philosophy, 
equally opposed to reason, virtue and the nature of 
all intelligent beings. 

6. Monarchy prevails every where in Asia, and 
that in its simplest form. It seems in vain to talk of 
natural advantages, when it is certain, there is no na- 
tion in all this immense region, which has any proper 
knowledge or use of its inherent rights. Natural 
rights may as well not exist, as to be neither known 
nor enjoyed ; and such is the uniform condition of 
the people of Asia. If, in any case, the strictness 
and energy of despotism fail, it is not owing to the 
lenient influence of reason and virtue, but it is where 
government gives way to anarchy ; and all principles 
of order fail before ignorance, vice and barbarity. 

Nor is man there more ignorant of his own rights, 
tlian he is of the true character of his Maker, and of 
his duty and obligation to him. There are still some 
Christian churches in Asia ; but, for the most part, 
they have little of Christianity, but the name. In 
contemplating Asia, we have before us a vast region 
of mental and moral darkness. There are few cir- 
cumstances, which look like the dawn of improve- 
ment ; and, from all we can discover, this whole 
quarter of the globe is undergoing a gradual decline 
toward a stale of barbarity. To this observation, 
however, Russia, certainly, if not China, forms an 
exception. It is highly questionable, whether the 
increasing intercourse of Europeans with the eastern 
Asiatics, rs of any valuable tendency to the latter. 
The horrid wickedness, on every occasion, display- 
ed by Europeans, has fixed in the minds of those 
pations invincible prejudices against their govern- 



140 ASIA IN GENERAL. 

ment, general character and especially against their 
religion. 

it is a melancholy reflection, how little the con- 
duct of Christian nations has been calculated to re- 
commend their religion to their unbelievinjr neigh- 
bors. Will heathens judge of the nature of Cljfis- 
tianity, by the conduct of a few solitary individuals'? 
or will they be more likely to draw their conclusions 
from the conduct of a nation ? What conclusion, then, 
must the Chinese, Indians and islanders, draw, con- 
cerning the Christian system, fron; the conduct of 
such Europeans, as have visited their country ; as of 
the English, Dutch, Portuguese &c. ? They must 
conclude Christianity to be a cloak for every species 
ofvillany — to be but another name for cruelty, in- 
justice, dishonesty, intrigue, perfidy, and every crime 
that is atrocious and enormous : and of all religions 
in the world, they must think it the worst. 

It is not strange, that the missionaries, sent into 
those countries to preach the gospel, have met with 
impediments, and that their success has been small. 
It is rather astonishing, that they ever, in one in- 
stance, got a candid and patient hearing. The In- 
dians, especially, have a strong attachment to their 
own religion, handed down from their ancestors ; and 
what reason they have to detest and abhor the people 
of Europe, is a matter notorious to the universe. 

It seems to be matter of regret, that the fair and 
spacious realms of Asia should lie, from age to age, 
void oT intellectual culture ; that the human mind 
should there be fettered by the absurclest supersti- 
tions, and inflated with error and falsehood, instead 
of being expanded and enriched by the divine, im- 
mortal food of knowledge and virtue, drawn from the 
fountain of eternal perfection : but so it is. These 
things are governed by an unseen hand. The time 
may come, when the face of the moral, and, of course, 
of the natural world, shall be changed — when the 
wilderness and solitary place shall blossom like the 



PRESENT STATE OF AFRICA. 141 

rose — when all the families and nations of the earth 
shall be of one mind, and shall allaj their thirst at 
the same pure fountain of heavenly wisdom. The 
Indian shall then no longer adore the sun, nor think 
to wash away his moral pollutions in the stream of 
the Ganges. The Abyssinian shall no more worship 
the father of waters ; nor the arctic savage the genius 
of storms and darkness : but all nations shall adore 
one God, submit to his moral government, rejoice in 
his perfections, and confide in his grace. May that 
time soon arrive — may the changes, which must 
prepare its way be hastened, till HE shall come, 
whose right it is to reign. 



CHAPTER XII. 

PRESENT STATE OF AFRICA. 

THE continent of Africa is shaped like a pyramid,* 
whose base is washed by the Mediterranean sea — its 
western side, by the Atlantic, arid its eastern, by the 
Indian ocean ; while its point, or apex, projects south- 
wardly into the great South Sea. This vast penin- 
sula is joined to Asia at its northeast corner by the 
isthmus of Suez, about 60 miles over; it extends from 
37 degrees north, to 34 degrees south latitude, and 
from about 17 west, to 61 degrees east longitude, and 
is 4,3v00 miles long, and 3,500 n)Jles wide ; and is 
supposed to contain 8,506,208 square miles. 

The commercial advantages of Africa, in point of 
local situation, may well compare with those of the 
other quarters of the globe. Its proximity to the 
great oceans and their liumberless islands, and its 
position with respect to the other continents, ail de- 
clare its situation to be highly favorable for every m- 
* Or rather, like a triangle.— Ep, 



142 PRESENT STATE 

terest of commerce. It lies in the bosom of the At- 
lantic, Southern and Indian oceans. Asia and the 
East Indies stretch eastwardly of it, and are accessi- 
ble either through the Indian ocean, or from (be Red 
Sea through the straits of Babelmandel. From the 
jiorthern shores of Africa, all the Mediterranean lies 
in view ; nor was it a tedious voyage for the Africans 
to go into the Black Sea ; and, from the strait of 
Gibraltar, they coasted with ease along all the 'West 
gf Europe, even to the Baltic or Noiwegian seas. 

If their commercial advantages are great, their ag- 
ricultural are, or at least once were, if possible, still 
greater. All ancient history speaks in the highest 
terms of the extreme fertility of the lands of Africa.* 
We cannot say positively whether this fertility was 
universal ; but it undoubtedly was common to all the 
northern shores. It is at least possibie that the con- 
tinent of Africa was once as deeply clothed with vege- 
tation as that of South America, thougli, indeed, not 
very probable. The continual action of an almost 
vertical sun, for many ages, may have tflfccted great 
changes in the nature of the soil. From many late 
observations, it appears that the sands of Africa have 
spread farther north, and are making gradual en- 
croachments on the fertile coiintries of Egypt and 
Barbary. Those countries, of course, grow more 
inhospitable, and more thinly inhabited. 

This country abounds in the prccjious metals, and 
in many valuable natural productions. It may be 
called the region of animal We ; since there are more 
than double the number of species of animafs in it, 
that there are in the other quarters of the globe. 
Egypt and Carthage were both, in their turn, great 
and powerful. Science first rose in Egypt; and Car- 
thage held a very doubtful contest with Rome for 
universal empire. Happy indeed it was for the 
world, that contest terminated as it did. 

* By Africa, the ancients understood Africa Proper) a very smfeS 
fart of tlie vast country of Africa.— Ed. 



OP AFRICA. 14S 

But whatever Africa could once boast — whatever 
may have been its natural advantages, it now presents 
to the eye of the traveller, one uniform, immense 
region of ignorance, vice, barbarity, and misery. If 
we enter that continent by the isthmus of Suez, Egypt 
first receives us ; which, to speak in the true spirit 
and style of ancient prediction, is a base kingdom. 
Still elevated by some faint glimmerings of civiliza- 
tion above the rude savage, the people there have just 
knowledge enough to render more conspicuous their 
depravity. They exhibit an astonishing specimen of 
the effects of bad government, and of the destructive 
tendency of corrupt morals. Perhaps no nation is 
more miserable, than tb.e Egyptians. They seem ta 
be crushed under every species of tyranny, and have 
no spirit left either to assert their rights, or avail 
themselves of any one advantage they so conspicu- 
ously possess. 

Proceeding from Egypt to the source of ihe Nile, 
among the mountains of Abyssinia, there is a change 
of prospect ; but it is going only from bad to worse. 
The traveller has evidently made an advance toward 
that degradation of intellect, wbkh marks the mere 
savage. The people of Abyssinia are overwhelmed 
in vice, void of the cultivations of science : they are 
sunk too low to be susceptible of much government. 
They are, as a nation, a cruel, ignorant, vile, un- 
cleanly race. 

From Abyssinia, descending down the eastern 
shores of Africa along the coast of Zanguebar to Caf- 
fraria and the cape of Good Hope, the prospect, as 
far as known to travellers, is nearly the same. 

From the cape of Good Hope, passing up the west- 
ern shores of Africa, they are found no better than 
the eastern. In this western tour, lies the coast of 
Guinea ; those countries, where Christian nations 
have carried on a traffic so highly honorable to their 
name and character ; and where they have a town 
or fort, called Christians burgh ; a name wonderfullj 



144 J^aESENT STATE 

adapted to the nature of the business transacted 
there ! 

From the slave and gold coast, proceeding north- 
ward, the great rivers Gambia and Senega, or Sene- 
gal, are passed, and the stales of Barbary next re- 
ceive the traveller, wearied with roving through 
scenes of barbarity, wretchedness and darkness. 
Turning eastward, he passes the states of Barbary 
and Egypt, once fine and flourishing countries: but 
now, what are they? How low are they fallen. 

The central parts of Africa are unknown. The 
desert of Sahara is an immense region of sand, over 
which refreshing showers of rain never distil their 
copious blessings 5 nor does the bow of heaven dis- 
play its beauteous arch on the retiring cloud. There 
the verdant meadow, the flowery vale and the wav- 
ing furest, are never .«een ; the tinkling rivulet is 
never heard ; nor does the murmuring brook invite 
the traveller to repose on its shady banks: but there 
the hot and sultry v/inds, in furious tornadoes, hurl 
the sandy billows to the heavens, and sport in fearful 
showers and storms of dust. Instead of the music of 
birds — instead of the sweet and solemn serenade of 
the nightingale, those gloomy deserts resound with 
the roar of lions and tygers — the deadly hisses of ser- 
pents, and the horrid bowlings of nameless dragons 
and frightful monsters. Those dreary climes have 
furnished a grave for a number of enterprising travel- 
lers. The expectations of the public were highly 
raised from the known abilities and daring spirit of 
the enterprising Mungo Park. Much information was 
expected from his travels in the interior of Africa.; 
but he has fallen a prey to the merciless barbarity 
of those faithless savages. Mungo Park deserves a 
monument among heroes, sages and philosophers. 

The northern shores of Africa, generally called the 
States of Barbary, are of the Mahometan religion. 
Ethiopia and Abyssinia have something, which re- 
sembles, but very remotely, the Christian religion. 



OF AFRICA. 145 

The middle and southern parts are Pagan. As to 
government, the most complete and barbarous despo- 
tism reigns in every part of Africa. Though ancient 
Egypt may he regarded as the cradle of science, yet 
in her maturity, she has long since foisaken every 
part of Africa, ar?d left even Egypt to the gloomy and 
horrid reign of superstition, ignorance and barbaritj^ 

The middle and southern nations of Africa, are ut- 
terly incapable of [irojecting or accomplishing any 
important enteiprisc. They spend their slrengtb, 
and exhaust their rage, in petty, but cruel and exter- 
minating wars upon each other. Their captives, they 
either kill, and, it is said, devour, or sell to the very 
humane and merciful navigators of Europe and Ame- 
rica ; who bring and sell them for slaves to the phi- 
lanthropic republicans of the United States ! where 
they are bought and sold, and treated with as little 
tenderness and mercy, as brutes. How consonant 
this practice is to the rules of the Christian religion, 
or of a free government, and how likely to inspire 
those unhappy beings with respect for the one or the 
other, let the impartial mind judge. 

While unprincipled navigators are thus dragging 
the wretched Africans from one scene of misery te 
another still more lingering and dreadful, the nothern 
shores of that continent produce a race of men far 
more hardy and daring ; who, as if to avenge the 
quarrel of their countrymen, are the enemies of all 
Christian nations ; whose ships infest the seas, and 
whose robberies and piracies are dangerous to many 
nations. With regard to a proper mode of treatment 
of the Barbary powers, there seems to be but one 
alternative ; either their friendship must be purchased 
with frequent and large donations, or they must be con- 
quered and disenabled to continue their aggressions. 

But with regard to the slave trade, root and branch, 
first and last, in all its motives, measures, concomi- 
tants and consequences, if evt'rany human undertak- 
ing merited the deepest abhorrence of men, and the 



146 PRESENT STATE 

heaviest curse of Almighty God, it is surely that* 
When we reflect on the pangs, which those poor 
wretches must feel, who fall into the vortex of this 
infernal traffic, when they see themselves plunged 
into hopeless slavery, and where, if eitlier they or 
their posterity should ever gain their freedom, still 
their color must sink them utterly below all consid- 
eration and respect, humanity must bleed for them. 

The atrocity of the business is enhanced, by the 
various, continual and monstrous creukics, inflicted 
on them for the slightest faults; and, indeed, can it 
be thought strange, if their deplorable circumstances 
should often drive them into the most desperate 
crimes and outrageous misdemeanors ? The great 
and awful catastrophe of this perfidious commerce, 
is still among the events of futurity : for, let it not be 
considered as an idle and groundless surmise, the im- 
portation of slaves in such numbers, into this country, 
will, on some future day, aflfect the repose of the 
United States. 

The continent of Africa has few rivers or moun- 
tains. The principal mountains are the Atlas, (which 
gives name to the Atlantic ocean,) Sierra Leona and 
the Mountains of the Moon. The chief rivers are 
the Senegal, Gambia, Niger and the Nile; and there 
are few brooks and springs of water, A country 
poorly watered, abounding with immense plains, 
which lie basking beneath a vertical sun, must be 
unfriendly to vegetation, and can merit no better ap- 
pellation than that given to it by the Latin poet, 
** ^rida nutrix leomim,'''^* 

At present, there is not a free government in Afri- 
ca ; and, unless we can make an exception of Car- 
thage, there never was one. There is not a civilized 
nation there, unless Egypt and the states of Barbary 
can be called such. And is their state growing bet- 
ter? Alas! whatcircumstance can take place — what 
event arise, which shall meliorate their condition ? 

* A dry imrseof lions.— -Ed, 



OF AlFRlCA. 147 

Shall the progress of conquest open the way for any 
fortunate changes, or happy revolutions? No: had 
they any thing, which could invite an enlightened 
conquerer, yet who can conquer, who can withstand 
or endure, their climate? But they have nothing to 
allure a conqueror: they lie beyond his reach, and 
the most of them even beyond the journies, of fame. 
Shall the native force of their genius ever break their 
fetters ? Shall a Cyrus, an Alexander, a Charle- 
magne, a Peter, a Washington, or a Bonaparte, ever 
arise and lead them to fame, independence, freedom 
and happiness ? Or shall they rise to that state by 
the slow and gradual progress of art and science ? 
Alas ! the flight of twenty centuries has extinguished 
all hopes of any change for the better. Their mental 
degra^^lition has given their destiny a gloom as deep, 
as that which the scorching heavens have spread 
over their complexion. Their actual state may be 
worse than it now is — their prospects cannot well be 
worse. Abandoned to themselves, they seem con- 
demned forever to trace the dreary road, which leads 
towards the extinction of intelligence, virtue and 
happiness. 

Shall they look for relief from the more prosper- 
ous, enlightened and happy regions of the earth ? 
From .Europe or America? Better would it be for 
them, if they were separated from us by a wall as 
high as heaven. Do our vessels approach their 
shores, but when allured by the hopes of surreptitious 
gain, or promiscuous plunder ? When they descry our 
sails on their seas, have they not reason to conclude, 
that we are comimg to cheat, to plunder, or to seize 
and carry them to a fate worse than death ? And 
have they not reason to deprecate our visits, to detest 
our policy, religion, or rather irreligion, and govern- 
ment, and to invoke the vengeance of heaven upon 
our name ? Nothing have they to expect from more 
enlightened nations, but chains and stripes and tor- 
ments — but slavery, infamy and misery. 



l^S PRESENT STATE 

It has been often alleged, in defence of the slave- 
trade, that the Africans, who are brought among 
Christian people, have thereby, a chance given them 
to learn and embrace Christianity. Hapless lot ! The 
Father of spirits can, indeed, break through all their 
prejudices, and force conviction upon them. Al- 
mighty Providence could save Jonah, even in a 
whale's belly: the same can certainly save a negro 
slave from the southern states, or the West Indies ; 
and as well the savage tribes who live on the binks 
of the Gambia and Niger. Their enslavers will, 
however, be allowed but little merit in the day of re- 
tribution, on the ground of effecting their conversion, 
by forcing husband from wife, and children from 
their parents, far, from their native country into cru- 
el slavery. Thiv will be a sorry plea for Christians 
ip the view of Intinite Wisdom. 

The man who justifies slavery upon this principle, 
let him put himself in the place of one of those ruth- 
less children of misfortune. Let him imagine him- 
self seized, perhaps in the night, and torn from all 
his friends, and all his heart held dear ; bound and 
forced into a vessel loaded with wretches like him- 
self ; his fears answered with scorn; his cries for 
pity, with the bloody whip. If he does not perish 
with contagion, hunger or cruelty on the voyage, he 
is landed at length, and consigned to a master, who 
drives him into his fields to labor. He never more 
sees a friend; he never more hears from his lost re- 
lations : he sees not a moment's freedom : his labors 
are incessant, but not for himself: his toils are per- 
petual, and the fruit consigned to his oppressor : he 
bids an eternal adieu to contentment, to hope and to 
enjoyment ; he learns to brook insult by its repeti- 
tion ; and his only remedy for pain is habit and en- 
durance. 

But for what purpose was he brought from his 
country ? Why was he forced from the scenes of his 
youth, and from the cool retreats of his native moun- 



OFAXRICA. 149 

tains ? Was it that he might witness tiie savino; know- 
ledge of the gospel ? That he n)ight hecome a Chris- 
tian ? Did they desire to open his prospects inio a 
future life? to inform his clouded soul of immorfal 
joys; and aid him in his pilgrimage to heaven ? No. 
He was deprived of frecdon), the dearest pledge of 
his existence. His mind was not cultivated and im- 
proved by science. He was placed among those 
who hate and despise his nation : who undervalue 
him, even for that of which he is innocent, and which 
he could not possibly avoid ! he is detested for his 
complexion, and ra?died among the brutes for his stu- 
pidity — his laborious exertions are extorted from him 
to enrich his purchasers, and his scanty allowance is 
furnished, only that he may endure his sufferings for 
their aggrandizement. Where are the incentives, 
that may induce him to become a Christian? Alas! 
they are crushed beneath a mountain of desperate 
and hopeless grief; his view'S of happiness are de- 
pressed, so that he must almost doubt of his natural 
claim to humanity. 

*< Had he religion, think you he could pray ? 

« Ah no ! he steals him to his lonely shed, 

" What time moist midnig-ht blows her venom'd breath { 

"And, musing- how he long has toiled and bled," 

Seeks shelter only in the arms of death. 

Much, indeed, may be said in praise of the noble 
and benevolent exertions of many individuals to pro- 
mote humanity, order, civility and virtue among 
those unhappy nations. They have spared no pains 
nor expense ; they have encountered the dangers of 
those inclement climes, and the perils of a barbarous 
land. Their good will in this godlike work has been 
blessed ; they have been found doing their duty; and 
they shall not lose their reward. 

Were the nations, which bear the Christian name, 

generally engaged in this work — were they desirous 

to meliorate the condition of savage nat4ons. they 

might, by a proper course of conduct, at length, re- 

33 



150 PRESENT STATE OF AFRICA. 

move those prejudices from their minds, which now 
form insuperable bars to the most benevolent at- 
tempts of individuals and societies. Savages derive 
their views of the character, government and reli- 
gion of Christian nations, not from the testimony of 
a few individuals, but from the conduct of those na- 
tions. They reason thus : " If," say they, " Christian 
nations believe and practise their religion, we are 
sure it is the worst in the world ; therefore we will 
not embrace it : but if Christians do riot practise 
their religion, it is surely because they do not believe 
in it; and if they do not believe nor practise it, why 
should we? Why should it challenge our assent and 
conformity, who do not understand it, when those 
who do, disregard its dictates ?" 

There is no certain evidence, that the Africans are 
inferior to the Asiatics or Europeans in their natural 
make; and it is highly probable, that their mental 
powers are impaired only by their peculiar habits. 
We have already noticed the figure the people of 
Egypt and Carthage once made among the nations of 
i\\e earth. The former were, for many ages, the 
oracles of science; and the lattrr were not only the 
greatest of the ancient commercial nations, but among 
the most warlike, having produced the second, if not 
the first great commander of antiquity. 

Some attempt to prove, from the consideration of 
their color, that they are naturally inferior to white 
nations. Their color is merely the misfortune of 
their climate, arising from the heat of the sun and 
their way of life. Many talk about the mark set 
upon Cain, and suppose the Africans his descendants 
— never considering, that the family of Cain perished 
in the delgue. The blackness of the Africans is per- 
fectly well accounted for from the regular operation^ 
of natural causes ;* and their inferiority in various 
respects, from neglecting the proper use of those ad- 

* See a learned and ingenious treatise on this subject, by the 
Rev. Dr. Snaith, President of PrincetoH College. 



THE PRESENT STATE OF AMERICA. 15l 

vantages, which, in other quarters of the globe, have 
been improved with success. 

Whether they are now at the ultimate point of de- 
pression, or are to sink still deeper, is known only to 
the Ruler of providence. It is impossible to reflect 
upon their present situation, but with sensations of 
surprise, grief and compassion. 

Hapless children of men! when shall light and 
order pervade the cheerless regions, where you dwell? 
What power shall heave the adamantine bars, which 
secure the gates of your dungeon, and biing you 
forth ? When shall the cherub hope smile on you 
from heaven, and, with a compassionate voice, call 
you to the pleasures of reason ? to the delights of im- 
mortality ? In the natural course of events, your des- 
tiny seems hopeless ; no force of words can suitably 
describe or deplore your case ; and your only hope 
of relief is in Omnipotence. Your deliverer must 
be a being of almighty power, wisdom and goodness. 
To that being, then, let me commend you — to his 
favor — to his grace — to his everlasting mercy. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

THE PJIESENT STATE OF AMERICA. 

THIS important part of the globe claims no share 
of notice in tracing the great line of history. It is 
generally considered as unknown to the civilized 
world, till discovered by Columbus, in 1492; yet, 
since that period, it has risen rapidly into considera- 
tion. Truly important by its vast extent, and the 
immensity of its natural wealth, in the comparatively 
short period of three centuries, it has been the theatre 
of a series of grand and interesting scenes. 

America was discovered just after the revival of 
letters ; a time, when the public mind in Europe had 



152 PRESENT STATE OF AMERICA. 

been recently roused to action and enterprise. The 
discovery of so important an object formed an era in 
thr' riviiized world, by exciting desires and spreading 
temptations ; by rousing the latent fires of ambition ; 
by ii;iving birth to new schemes of policy and specu- 
lations ; and by originating numberless projects and 
enterprises, which often disturbed the repose of Eu- 
rope, and terminated in wars and revolutions. 

For an account of those things, we must refere our 
reiders to the histories of Europe ; and we wish it 
were in our power also to refer them to an able, im- 
paitial and elegant history of our own country. In 
the following chapter, it will be our endeavor to pre- 
sent a general view of the present state of America, 
preparatory to which, a brief sketch will be given of 
its history since its firpt settlement. 

The American continent extends from about 56 de- 
grees of soy^AU latitude to unknown regions about the 
arctic pole. Its length is more than ten thousand 
miles; and its mean breadth has never been ascer- 
tained, but would fall between two and four thousand 
Ui\h^^ On the east it is washed by the Atlantic, and 
on the west, by the Pacific ocean. This continent ex- 
lends through all climates, comprehends every species 
of soil, and every conceivable line of geographical 
feature. It abounds in extensive and beautiful plains, 
majestic rivers, lofty mountains and prodigious lakes. 
Its lakes are worthy of the respectable name of in- 
land seas ; and its rivers are many of them of such 
size, that were it not for their rapid current and fresh 
water, they would be mistaken for bays and arms of 
the ocean. Its plains are clothed with luxuriant 
vegetation ; its mountains rise with awful grandeur, 
pierce the clouds, and seem to prop the skies. 

The soil of America, if it has no certain claim to 
superiority, is at least equal to that of Spain, Italy, 
India, or China. In the United States, as far as we 
can remark on that article, there is no deficiency. 
The prodigious exports from several of the states, al- 



SOUTH AMERICA. 156 

though in their infancy, are a proof, that the country 
is made naturally fruitful and rich; and through the 
whole extensive chain of setllecnents from the coast 
of Labrador to Cape Horn, and from thence to Cali- 
fornia and Kamschatka, the countries are generally 
healthful. 

Nature has thrown the American continent into 
two grand divisions, separated by the isthmus of 
Darien. South America is distinguished by the size 
of its mountains and rivers. The Andes lie on the 
western coast of South America, and extend the whole 
length of that continent. These are the most ex- 
traordinary mountains in the world, whether we re- 
gard the length of their chain, the breadth of their 
base, or the elevated height of their summits.* The 
elevation of Chimborazo is more than 20,000 feet 
above the level of the sea. They extend the whole 
length of South America; and, indeed, the Allegany 
mountains in North America, are thought to be a 
continuation of the same mountains, only interrupted 
by the gulf of Mexico. 

The rivers in South America are no less remarka- 
ble than the mountains. They rise in the eastern de- 
clivities of the Andes, down which they rush in num- 
berless torrents and cataracts. From the foot of the 
Andes, they must wander across the continent to the 
Atlantic ocean, the distance of 2000 miles. In this 
long course, which is increased by numerous mean- 
ders, they receive a multitude of streams, and, while 
yet at a great distance from the sea, their volume of 
water becomes majestic, broad and deep. They roll 
on with increasing grandeur, and meet other rivers 
as large as themselves. Before they reach the ocean, 
their channels are more than an hundred milts broad, 
and appear, as already said, like an arm of the sea : 
such are the Oronoke, the river of Plate, and the 
Amazon. 

* It has been ascertained, that the Himmaleh mountains be- 
tween Thibet and Kemaoon, are considerably higher than the 
Andes. See Worcester's Gaz. — Ed. 
33* 



154 SOUTH AMERICA. 

The mountains of North America are inferior to 
the Andes, as is every other nnountain on earth ; but 
the rivers in the northern division are nearly equal 
with those of the south. The Mississippi, the Ore- 
gon,* the Bourbon,! and the St. Lawrence, pursue 
each a different direction, and reach their several 
oceans at the distance of 2000 miles. But the chain 
of lakes in North America, to which the river St. 
Lawrence forms an outlet, has no parallel in any 
other part of the world. The principal of these, are 
Ontario, Erie, Michigan, Huron and Superior, We 
may calculate, that, at some future period, the coun- 
try about those lakes will be settled, and they will 
afford a vast inland navigation of incalculable im- 
portance to that country. 

^In addition to the rich and productive soil of South 
America, the bowels of the earth are stored with 
precious metals. Mexico and Peru abound with the 
richest mines in the world. This, at first, rendered 
South America the most dazzling object in view of 
the powers of Europe ; but the deep forests and more 
hardy climate of North America promised wealth 
only to persevering labor and i[)dustry. \n the event, 
the precious metals of the South have ruined the most 
powerful nation in Europe, while the labor and in- 
dustry of the A^or/A, have given existence to a new 
empire, which will shortly be able to set all Europe 
at defianre. 

In glancing an eye at the natural advantages of the 
new continent, we must not forget to add to the con- 
siderations of soil and climate, an immense sea coast, 
numerous fine harbors and an unequalled inland navi- 
gation, by means of rivers, bays and lakes, compris- 
ing all the advantages of commerce. 

Such was the new world, discovered by Columbus. 

This continent, containing a third of the dry land 

of the globe, lies opposite, and forms a balance or 

counterpoise, to the old world. This great coDtinent, 

• Columbia. f M'Kenzie's.— Ei>, 



SOUTH AMERICA. 165 

when discovered by Columbus, was found inhabited 
by savages. The nations of Mexico and Peru were 
the most improved of them all ; but thej were far less 
&o than the Tartars and Sc)'thians of Asia.* The 
savages, in most parts of America, were thinly scatter- 
ed over a wide country. 

From whence these nations descended, or whence 
they came, is uncertain. Nothing conclusive is dis- 
coverable on that head from their oral histories and 
traditions — from their language, manners, or customs, 
nor from any monument, found in all the continent, 
or any other part of the world. Dr. Robertson has 
conjectured on this subject with his usual elegance of 
style and manner; and, with uncommon force of 
imagination, has constructed a bridge from Africa to 
South America, on vvhich they might pass; which 
bridge has sunk by earthquakes, or worn away by the 
attrition of the gulf stream. In fact, it is of little 
consequence, from whom the natives of this country 
were descended ; but, were it otherwise, conjectures 
were vain and groundless. By reason of a total want 
of evidence, the subject rests in darkness. 

The new world opened an inviting prospect from 
afar to myriads in Europe. They had no scruples of 
conscience in seizing upon a country inhabited by 
savages, whom they considered as having no more 
right to the land, than the beasts of the forest. Thou- 
sands flocked hither to escape poverty, oppression 
and the various troubles of Europe. The Spaniards 
spread southwardly, allured by the rich mines of 
Peru and Mexico. They thought that mere land, 
especially a wilderness, was scarcely worthy of occu- 
pancy. We shall be very short on their history. 
Under the command of Cortez, the Pizarros and 
sundry other adventurers of most execrable memory, 
they subdued the northern parts of South America. 
They slaughtered several millions of the harmless 
natives of those countries ; and exhibited a scene oj 

• This statement does not appear to be perfectly correct— Eb. 



156 NORTH AMERICA. 

horror and cruelty, which was doubtless never equal- 
led ou the old continent — showing themselves, on ail 
occasions, to be a race of monsters in human shape, 
void of humanity, mercy, truth and honor. 

Their wickedness was too outrageous for the earth 
to bear, or the heavens to behold without a frown. 
The hand of Providence has pursued them with vari- 
ous curses, and has smitten Spain itself with a con- 
sumption, and an irrecoverable decline, for allowing, 
indeed for perpetrating, such horrible and enormous 
cruelties. The Spaniards soon acquired immense 
treasures of gold and silver, and became utterly para- 
lized by wealth. They were wealthy only to benefit 
their more industrious neighbours ; and they exhibit 
a striking proof, that exorbitant wealth and luxury 
are but feeble bulwarks to national prosperity. Spain, 
in the early part of the 16th century, was the most 
powerful nation in Europe. Without any revolution, 
or any considerable misfortunes by war, or otherwise, 
she has gradually become weak, and is scarcely an 
independent nation. Her provinces in South Ame- 
rica are still weaker. They are not known, but as 
wide regions inhabited by an ignorant, or by a savage 
race of people, as incapable of enjoying, as of obtain- 
ing independence. 

North America was destined to happier scenes of 
action. A tract of country extending from Canada 
to Florida, and from the Atlantic to the river Missis- 
sippi, was located, and its eastern borders were set- 
tled chiefly by emigrants from the British kingdom. 
Though they came hither with raised expectations of 
the country, yet they found the most enterprising in- 
dustry necessary to level the tall forest and subdue 
the face of the earth. The grand object of their 
wishes invited them to eijoymf^nt through perils and 
laborious exertion. They ascended the hills of diffi- 
culty with resolution, and despaired not of the bright 
summit, though at a distance and elevated. They 
pushed the business of agriculture with nerve, reso- 



UNITED STATES. 157 

iution, and unexampled success. The forest feH be- 
fore them ; the savages were awed to respectful 
peace ; the country soon began to snnile, and pro- 
mised what a niore distant day would bring forth. 

If language fail in describing the bravery, energy, 
economy and perseverance of our fathers, it will find 
it no easier to picture the industry, virtue, prudence, 
and fortitude of our mothers. They reared and in- 
structed a race of heroes, who were cherished on 
bosoms, expanded with every sentiment of truth, and 
warmed and enlivened by every noble and virtuous 
impulse. They could not but be great. Though not 
possessed with that artificial gloss, which is derived 
from the smooth manners and gaudy splendor of 
courts, they had that strength, firmness, expansion 
and dignity of soul, which virtue inspires, and which 
a consciousness of right can diffuse in a world of 
freedom, peace and plenty. 

The first settlers of the United States, were daily 
strengthened by new adventurers, who fled, some in- 
deed from justicCj but far more generally, from the 
pride and cruelty of oppi*6ssiV€ power. In about a 
century and a half, the colonies were increased to 
thirteen in number, were spread far back from the 
sea, and had made considerable advances in com- 
merce and manufactures. A hardy race had sprung 
up, who could not be trampled on with impunity ; 
men jealous of their rights, industrious in peace, and 
undaunted in war. 

At that time an unaccountable mania seized the 
British government to make exactions on our coun- 
try, which were equally impolitic and unjust. From 
those exorbitant demands, our intrepid countrymen 
turned with yarious sentiments of disgust, aversion 
and abhorrence ; and not without emotions of con- 
cern and sorrow at the idea of a rupture with our 
mother country. Our ideas of British aggressions 
might be suspected of prejudiced and partial views, 
were they not corroborated by their own people. 



158 UNITED STATES. 

The ablest statesmen and profoundest politicians in 
Great Britain, condemned the nrieasures of their gov- 
ernment, and foretold the consequences, that would 
follow. Violent disputes ensued : they were propa- 
gated through the British dominions ; and our cause 
was patronized bj a great and respectable minority. 
Their ablest counsellors were divided ; and a subject 
of such magnitude called forth the powers of reason- 
ing, and roused the spirit of eloquence, which had 
slumbered since the times of Cicero. 

But the British forum was not the only theatre of 
eloquence. In our infant country her powerful voice 
was heard. Men from the plough, from the shop, 
and the counter, for a moment, forsook their humble 
pursuits, and, obedient to the distressful call of their 
country, became, according to their abilities, soldiers 
or statesmen. 

After the perturbation and alarm of the first shock 
was a little passed, it was perceived, that the colonies 
would all unite, and pledge themselves for mutual 
support and defence. A solemn instrument was 
drawn up, which declared, in strong but temperate 
language, the independence and sovereignty of the 
United States, and was published on the fourth day 
of July, 1776 — a day ever memorable to the people 
of this happy country. 

The British government, than which no one was 
ever more disappointed or deceived, soon perceived, 
that the contest was to be of a serious and eventful 
nature. The scene of action was distant ; the neces- 
sary preparations expensive; every inch of ground 
was to be disputed ; the contest was sharp' and bloody, 
and the issue doubtful. Impelled by interest, indig- 
nity and pride of character. Great Britain found it 
necessary to call forth her utmost resources. She 
therefore sent fleets and armies, and commenced a 
threefold attack. She assailed our country at each 
extreme, and in the centre ; while, at the same time, 
she aroied and impelled numerous nations of savages 



UNITED STATES. 159 

to fall upon us in the rear. With one army, she de- 
scended upon our northern states, from Canada ; with 
another, she ravaged the southern states ; with a third 
she struck at our centre from New- York, the Hudson, 
and Delaware, while our extensive sea coast was per- 
petually harassed by her victorious fleets ; and our 
western frontier, from Canada to Georgia, was ex- 
posed to the inroads of myriads of fierce and hostile 
savages. 

Divine Providence determined we should surmount 
all the dangers and difficulties of so formidable a war, 
and establish our independence. A man was raised 
up to command our armies, who was able to make the 
best of our slender resources, and to supply their 
defect, by his own immense and astonishipg genius. 
George Washington, if any mortal man ever merited 
the appellation of Father of his country^ surely uierits 
that name. He, by the united voice of his country, 
led her armies: he trained them to the art of war. 
He fixed their wavering resolution ; confirmed their 
dubious virtue ; inspired them with invincible cour- 
age ; taught them to be cool, intrepid and firm in 
every danger — to exercise the utmost fortitude in 
adversity, and to be temperate, magnanimous, mild 
and merciful in the moment of victory. 

Washington will not suffer in a comparison with 
any commander, ancient or modern. If compared 
with Cyrus, the armies of the latter were numerous 
and his enemies weak. Jt was not so with Wash- 
ington. If compared with Alexander, the army of 
the latter had been trained by Philip, one of the 
greatest men of antiquity ; and the Persians were ut- 
terly drowned in luxury. If compared with Hanni- 
bal, the latter had, perhaps, the bravest, most expe- 
rienced, most impetuous and warlike troops upon 
earth. How far was that from being the case with 
Washington. If compared with Julius Cesar, the 
lalfer had the ablest, best appointed, and most effec- 
tive army which the resources of Rome ever sent into 



I6X) tJNlTED STATES, 

the field. If compared with any of the greatest gen- 
erals of modern times, as Gustavus Adolphus, Eugene, 
Marlborough, Conde, Tilly, Turenne, or even Bona- 
parte, their resources will be found to have been gen- 
erally incomparably superior to his, and the difficulties 
they encountered, as much inferior. Their armies 
were numerous; trained in the storms of war; hard- 
en'^d by nnarches, sieges and battles ; made crafty by 
ambissrades, wiles, and stratagems ; and enabled, by 
long experience;, to face every form of danger, without 
fear. Their armies, in general, were amply fed, 
clothed, and paid, and were completely officered by 
men thoroughly educated in military tactics. 

However fruitful tlie American lands, and how nu- 
merous soever the natural advantages of the country 
might be, they were of a nature, which required the 
exertions of all the people to realize and call them 
forth; and in proportion to the indispensable labors 
of the country, there was certainly an extreme pau- 
city of hands to carry them on ; few, therefore, could 
be well spared to bear arms. Our armies, which 
were small, were at first composed of men drawn 
from the bosom of a peaceful land. They were 
utterly unacquainted with war ; yet by hard labor, 
they had been rendered robust, vigorous, active and 
capable of fatigue. It is not unworthy of notice and 
of admiration, that men, habituated to freedom bor- 
dering on licentiousness, tenacious of their rights, 
and jealous of their honor even to a punctilio, should 
so readily submit to military subordination and mar- 
tial law. They did, however, yield to steady disci- 
pline ; and, in a short time, were formed into a 
regular army. 

But in a scene of action so immense, in a conflict 
so varied, so long and severe, the United States were 
involved in difficulties extreme and dreadful. If we 
looked northward, we beheld an army ready to rush 
like a torrent upon us, and sweep our country with 
the besom of destruction. At the southward, our 



UNITED STATES* 161 

most ferlile lands were desolated by another still 
more formidable. Swarms of angry savages continu- 
ally hovered upon our frontiers, where many of our 
unhppy citizens were destined to perish with the 
tomahawk in a midnight surprise ; and about our sea 
coasts and harbors the triumphant flag of our enemies 
was perpetually displayed. Agriculture failed for 
want of hands ; a scarcity of provisions ensued ; 
there was a cessation of commerce, and but little 
money ; our army poorly paid, and miserably clad, 
was threatened by famine or with the dire alternative 
of plundering the country they were raised to defend 
• — a country already made naked by exactions dis- 
proportioned to its resources. 

At this eventful period, the column of our indepen- 
dence, so lately reared, seemed to totter; but it was 
sustained by z, few hands, which Omnipotence had 
rendered strong for that purpose. A few hands in- 
deed ! For how unstable is popular opinion ! how 
varying, how uncertain, how inconsistent, how fickle, 
how unsubstantial is a public passion ! No people on 
earth, (for it shall be spoken,) no people on earth 
were ever more firm, more enlightened, more con- 
sistent, than the people of the United States, as a 
body. But, alas ! what could they do ? What could 
they think ? The people at large always judge acutely 
of present dangers; they feel the shock of calamities 
and the stings of misfortune. When their fathers, 
their sons, and their brothers fall in battle, the 
sources of their grief are as wide, and their tears 
flow as freely, as those of the statesman and hero. It 
was so with our people. Their souls were made up 
of courage and fortitude ; but their information was 
limited ; their views of the ground imperfect ; the 
first paroxysms of enthusiastic zeal were past, and 
the flame of general patriotism was a little checked 
by chilling disasters. 

It was a time of afiliction, of grief, of terror and 
alarm. Fear triumphed over hope, while the balance 
34 



162 UNITED STATES. 

trembled in suspense, the turn of which was to fix 
the fate of our country forever.* In an hour so dark 
and trying, while huge calamities hung over us, we 
were in danger of being ensnared by the artful wiles 
of an exasperated foe. The British government is- 
sued a proclamation of grace, a general amnesty, from 
which none were excluded, but John Hancock and 
Samuel Adams, who were justly regarded as among 
the primary moving powers of the revolution. Every 
man in our country looked round for encouragement, 
support and advice. The eyes of the people were 
turned on those men most remarkable for sagacity, 
wisdom and integrity ; and all eyes were directed, 
with extreme solicitude, to the general Congress. 
That honorable body, at that day, was composed of 
men, who could not be awed into submision by the 
voice of majesty, nor the portentous menaces of sove- 
reign power. They dared to brave the gathering 
tempest; and, at any hazard, were willing to rise or 
fall with the revolution. They could not be ensnar- 
ed by fallacious hopes, nor beguiled by unmeaning 
professions and promises, however specious and daz- 
zling. They listened to the British proclamation, 
as to the voice of a syren ; and they could not think 
X)f purchasing peace with the blood of their noblest 
patriots. 

It is not easy to conceive the embarrassments, the 
dangers and perils, which attended that Congress, 
which first embarked our political vessel on an ocean 
so stormy. They were obliged to brave the most 
threatening aspects of fortune — to stand foremost in 
a doubtful contest. They were too well read in the 
history of nations not to know, to what inevitable ruin 
they were exposed, should the revolution fail. From 
the same sources, they knew but too well the fickle- 
ness and caprice of the public mind. They saw and 
felt the miseries of their country, already come, and 
dreaded others, still impending. 
* Perhaps notybrever.— Ed. 



UNITED STATES. 163 

While the people, with palpitating fears, looked up 
to their leaders ; while they, from New-Hampshire 
to Georgia, in serious and painful anxiety, placed 
their hopes in the wisdom of that illustrious band of 
patriots, assembled in Congress ; that body looked to 
one man, as to a common father : their eyes were all 
fixed on Washington. The British legions, who at 
first affected to despise, were soon taught to dread, 
that illustrious leader; and the country, which he 
was called to defend, soon perceived, that their con- 
fidence, was not misplaced. They saw, that he bore 
not the sword in vain. 

There were several events, which proved favorable 
to the revolution. At first, many men of enlightened 
minds were in doubt, whether the proper time to 
separate from Great Britian was come. Others still 
feJt the force of habitual respect for a nation justly 
styled our mother-country. Some, indeed, were from 
education, from theory, and speculation, strongly at- 
tached to the ancient government of the country, and 
dreaded the violent paroxysms of rage, of zeal, and 
of party views, to which we must be exposed in dis- 
solving connexion with Britain, reverting into a state 
of native anarchy, and thence rising to order under 
a new, an untried form of government, to be made, 
to he organized and set in motion, by ourselves. 

Many, and with great justness, dreaded a series of 
bloody revolutions, and after all, a disgraceful return 
to the goal, from whence we started. They expected 
we should be humbled, scourged, desolated and ruin- 
ed in war, and then return to our allegiance with 
shame, disgrace and eternal contempt, and submit, 
voluntarily, to have our fetters rivetted, and our des- 
tiny fixed in servitude : for an unsuccessful attempt 
at liberty, may always be regarded, as a deadly 
plunge into hopeless slavery. 

Several persons of these descriptions, were scatter- 
ed thrrough the continent ; but, fortunately for us, 
their numbers soon greatly diminished. When they 



1 64 WNJTED StAT£S. 

s^w the revolution had actually taken form, and was 
Jikely, at least, to be strenuously contested — when 
they saw the thirteen states, as a body, combined, 
and solemnly pledged to defend the cause, they gene- 
rally yielded the point, and even determined to rise 
or fall with their brethren. 

In enumerating the causes, which operated in our 
favor, we cannot avoid noticing the uiiskiiful mea- 
sures employed by the British government to bring 
us back to our duty from a state of revolt. A medium 
betweeen two extremes is often the proper course to 
pursue ; but to them, it was certainly most improper, 
as it proved most unsuccessful. They should have 
been either far more energetic, more decisive, and 
more severe, or far more lenient, mild and gentle. 
In either of those extremes, there was a possibility of 
their succeeding. They, in the first instance, were 
certainly the aggressors. Their ablest politicians 
and firmest patriots confessed it, and urged it as a 
reason, why they should seek to restore union and 
tranquility by concession, indulgence and lenity. 
But that was too mortifying to their pride and ambi- 
tion ; they disdained the idea of the slightest con- 
cession, and determined to do all by austerity, me^ 
nace and compulsion. They should have organized 
a course of measures, suitable to the complexion of a 
policy so self-sufiicient, and of an attitude so haughty 
and commanding. 

But they vainly imagined, that a regular army of 
three or four thousand men would directly awe us 
into submission. They tried it, and found out their 
mistake, when, by a strong concurrence of events, it 
was too late. The firmness, union and bravery of 
the people of the United States, saved them from 
falling an immediate prey to their enemies ; but it is 
doubtful to what extent their calamities would have 
risen, but for the operation of two powerful causes, 
which cannot be passed unnoticed. 

The aid of France was timely, and was necessary. 
We shall not meddle with the question of equity. 



UNITED STATfiB* 165 

We shall not say, nor is it in the power of any being, 
but of HIM who views actions in all their relations, 
and traces all effects to their first causes, to say how 
far their interference was conformable to the eternal 
rules of justice. As things have turned, our revolu- 
tion cannot be considered, but as a source of nnisfor- 
tunes to them.* The enmity, jealousy, and rivalship 
subsisting between France and England, are things 
well known to most persons who have eyes and ears. 
Their mutual animosities have embroiled Europe for 
the last five hundred years. 

The rapid growth and vast resources of the British 
colonies, rendered their separation from England, of 
all possible objects, the most ardently to be wished, 
and the most strenuously to be sought for by France. 
In espousing our cause they aimed a deadly blow at 
Great Britian : it is not, therefore, strange, that they 
should entertain so strong a sense of the justice of our 
cause, when our success was likely to diminish the 
resources of their most formidable rival, and pluck 
one of the brightest gems from the British crown. 
With the most cordial fellow-feelings therefore, they 
espoused our contest and made it their owix: nor 
should the pen of the historian be so ungrateful as 
not to " speak well of the bridge that carried us safe- 
over." 

A war between France and England divided the 
attention and ^resources of the latter, and rendered 
the reduction of the colonies the least article in their 
grand dispute ; which extended itself into^both hem- 
ispheres, and ultimately awakened all the energies of 
the conflicting powers. By this, we were certainly 
benefitted, and probably saved from subjugation. 

• There is no reason to doubt that the American revolution did 
produce or accderate that of France. It is still more evident, th^t 
the French revolution was fraug-ht with mischief and productive of 
woes unnumbered to those who were actors and sufPerers in the 
amazing tragedy. But whether it will ui^imaiely prove an evil to 
the French, can be known only by " KIM, who views actions in sJJ 
their relations" and consequences. — Ei>. 
34* 



166 ONITED STATES. 

But all the aid we received, or could have received 
from France, would have been unavailing, had not 
Providence raised up a man to head our armies, 
every way fitted for that important trust. When we 
say every zoay fitted, we mean much more, than is 
commonly intended by that expression. He seemed 
to be in all respects, exactly such a personage, as 
was indispensable to our cause. 

It is remarkable, that in the course of the war, two 
entire British armies were captured. The capture 
of Burgoyne revived the spirits, and animated the 
hopes, of the Americans, and seemed to put a new 
face upon affairs; and that of Cornwallis terminated 
the war. The reduction of the states, from the time 
of that event, was considered as impracticable. 

If the union of the states, in the revolutionary war, 
may be considered as an evidence of their wisdom, 
foresight and patriotism, their union in a matter of 
equal magnitude, since that time, is no less remarka- 
ble. . When the first articles of confederation, estab- 
lished, as the basis of our political fabric, were found 
inadequate to that grand purpose, the states a second 
time cordially united in a plan of government, recom- 
mended to them by a general convention. This 
second union, especially. disappointed the hopes of 
the enemies of our country, and falsified their numer- 
ous and vehemisnt predictions, that we should disa- 
gree, dispute, quarrel, and dash in pieces on that 
dangerous rock. 

The course of events, since the adoption of the fed- 
eral government, is well known. Regarding our en- 
tire history — our progress in our colonial relation to 
Britian ; our. emancipation from foreign domination; 
our union in two grand movements, so improbable, 
and yet so necessary ; in short, regarding our past 
and present state and our .future prospects, we must 
be pronounced a fortunate and happy people. 

In giving a succinct view of the present atate of 
the new world, we shall consider it under four divi- 



BRITISH AMERICA. 167 

sions, viz. British and Spanish America, the United 
States and the savage nations. 

1. What was designed to be noticed of Spanish 
America has been nearly anticipated. The immense 
provinces they possess in the new world, lie generally 
in the wilderness-state. Their application to agricul- 
ture in those extensive countries, has been trifling, 
and the people who claim the civilized rank are 
mere Spaniards, and that of the lowest grade. Their 
population is inconsiderable, when compared with 
the lands they claim; they make no figure in war j 
they are nothing in the arts and sciences; they can 
scarcely boast of one illustrious character ; and there 
seems not to exist one single fact, trait, or circum- 
stance, to veil the sterility of their mental soil — the 
total want of intellectual culture, or to enlighten and 
adorn the pages of their history. On the whole, 
it shall suffice to close our observations on Spanish 
America, by noting to the reader, that the splendid 
and eloquent pen of Dr. Robertson has given an ideal 
importance to the history of that country, which 
makes it abundantly worth reading, truth and facts 
being entirely out of the question. To his history, 
therefore, the reader is referred. 

2. The possessions of Great Britain in North Ame- 
rica, commonly called British America, are compris- 
ed in a section of that continent north of the United 
States, and commence about the 44th degree of north 
latitude. They are bounded, east, by the Atlantic 
ocean — south, partly by the United States, and they 
stem to run west and north indefinitely, or till met 
by circumjacent seas. Neither the Canadas, Nova- 
Scotia, nor New-Brunswick, can very soon become 
objects of very great importance. Regions so remote, 
so cold and inhospitable, can never awaken the spirit 
of emigration ; nor will the natural progress of popu- 
lation be very rapid. Perhaps, should the world re- 
main in its present form for twenty or thirty centuries, 
those provinces may become populous, in some mea- 



1^8 BRITISKT AMERICA* 

sure, by means of a change of climate. It is a re- 
markable fact, that the climate in the New-England 
states, has been observed to change materially within 
the last 50, nay 30 years. As the forests are cleared 
away, and the face of the ground laid open, should 
the climate continue to change, the two continents 
may at length become upon a par as to temperature. 

The revenue, which Great Britain derives from 
her colonies, is of some value ; but the state of those 
colonies, generally speaking, is barbarous, wild and 
uninviting, in the extreme. Great countries, a thin 
population sprinkled over their margin, boundless 
furests, long and dreary winters, a frij^htful solitude, 
howling savages, and a remote seclusion from the 
world of civility and order, are objects which appal 
all but the robust and hardy children of misfortune. 
Some, indeed, will go thither to make, and some to 
repair, their ruined fortunes ; some to repair, and 
some to form their characters. 

What corner of the earth is so remote — what re^ 
gion so forbidding, that the sons of Mammon will not 
visit it, in quest of gain ? What ocean, strait or river, 
will they not explore, or what form of danger will 
they not encoirnter, what death will they not despise, 
when the hope of gain is thrown into the adverse 
scale ? They will dive into the bowels of the earth ; 
they will traverse the wildest, the most dangerous 
deserts ; they will encounter the eternal frosts of 
either pole, and laugh at the storms of the wintry 
seas, or the burning showers of equatorial sand, when 
allured by wealth. 

From the nature of the provinces in British Ame- 
rica, the increase of their population must be very 
slow : they must long remain feeble ; and of course, 
so long they must be subject to, and dependent on, 
their mother country : nor is it likely, they will ever 
form an independent government. Should they re- 
volt from Britain, thpy would naturally fall to their 
far more powerful and prosperous neighbors, the 



NAME. 169^ 

United States ; an event, however, as undesirable to 
us, as it would be to Great Britain. Let us, in all 
conscience, be satisfied with the territories we have, 
at least for the ensuing five hundred years. When 
we shall have fully experienced the arduous diffi- 
culties of supporting a frame of government over a 
territory twelve hundred miles square, we shall 
neither wish to purchase, to conquer, nor to receive, 
even by free donation, an additional territory.* 

At the close of the lale war, many of the loyalists, 
in the true spirit of national gratitude, were reward- 
ed for their fidelity to Britain, with possessions ia 
Nova-Scotia. After a short residence in that dreary 
country, they found themselves exiled from a happier 
world. They grew discontended, and numbers of 
them returned to the United States, and were glad 
to take up their abode among a people, upon whom 
they had, some time before, turned their backs with 
utter contempt and disgust. Whoever is acquainted 
with the course of human affairs, knows, that it is as 
dangerous to oppose a prosperous revolution, as it is 
to join one, which fails. 

3. We come now to give a sketch of the present 
state of the United States. 

NAME. 

The new world has been peculiarly unfortunate, in 
all respects, as it relates to a name. In the first place, 
it should have been called Columbia ; a name, which 
yields to none in point of dignity, harmony, and con- 
venience. The word Columbia, in its very sound, is 
grave and proper for history ; it is dignified and 
adapted to oratory ; full, smooth and harmonious, and 
is equally good in poetry. In its very orthography 
it is neat, convenient and agreeable, neither too short 
nor too long. 

* There is some reason to hope, that the author's views upon 
this subject, will be found incorrect.— Ed. 



1 70 NAME. 

That the new continent should be called Jlmerica^ 
after Americus Vesputius, was the greatest act of 
folly, caprice, cruelty and injustice of the kinU, that 
ever mankind were guilty of. To deprive Columbus 
of that honor which he so justly merited ; to bestow 
it upon one who had no title to it ; to violate at once 
justice, propriety, and harmony; to reject a name 
which that of no nation in point of sound ever excel- 
led, and substitute in its place one which sounds but 
meanly in prose, and is intolerable in poetry, is 
an act of caprice and folly, which can scarcely be 
thought of with any degree of patience. It will forever 
be regretted by every reflecting mind. Indeed, the 
name of Columbia will alwa3^s reign in poetry, and 
in the pathetic and sublime of prose. It will proba- 
bly gain ground upon its spurious, upstart rival, and 
it may in a good measure supplant it. 

Since the continent has acquired another name, it 
would have been highly proper to have called the 
United States Columbia* Though but a part of the 
continent, yet it is a part respectable for size, and 
probably will, for ages, remain the most important 
part of the new world. 

Two favorable moments have past, in either of 
which, and especially the latter, it is believed, that a 
name might have been given to the United Stat( s. 
Accompanying the declaration of independence, or 
the promulgation of the federal constitution, an ap- 
propriate name would probably have taken with the 
people, and have gone down, firmly fixed to posteri- 
ty. When another time equally favorable will arrive, 
is uncertain. There are serious and urgent reasons, 
why the United States should have a name. Whether 
that name shall be proposed by Congress, by the 
universities, by the legislatures of several stales, or 
by individuals, is of little consequence, provided the 
name is a good one, and meets with acceptance. 
The power of determining upon a name might be 
vested in the heads of the several universities ; or 



AGRICULTURE. f^l 

it might be done by the concurrence of the majority 
of the several states by their legislatures, or by the 
nomination of individuals.* 

AGRICULTURE. 

Agriculture forms the most important interest of 
the United States. The people may with propriety- 
be called an agricultural people. Their natural ad- 
vantages, for that object, certainly equal those of any 
nation on earth. Their territories include the best 
climates in the temperate zone j and, since the addi- 
tion of Louisiana^ they extend, perhaps, from the 
Atlantic to the Pacific ocean. But if we consider 
the lakes, the Atlantic and the Mississippi as our 
boundaries, there is a vast country of arable land, 
including every possible variety of excellence, with 
few wastes or barrens. We seem to fall behind no 
quarter of the globe, but in the precious metals and 
jewels. Our lands equal those of Egypt, Assyria, 
India, or China.! 

The people of the United States seem well fitted 
to avail themselves of these advantages. They are 
generally strong, robust, active and ambitious, and 
are actuated by a greater desire to acquire a neat, 
competent, independent style of living, than any- 
other nation ever known. They shrink from no 
labors. Hardships, enterprises, fatigues and even 
dangers are encountered with pleasure, in view of 
that honorable independence, which is fairly within 
their reach. They grasp after it with eagerness ; 
pursue it with diligence ; and they seldom fail of 
being successful. 

The domestic history of a young farmer, in this 
country, cannot be read, but with a kind of romantic 

* What reasonable objection could there be to GaHing" this 
country FREDONIA ? a imme proposed by one of the greatest 
scholars in ibe United States, who in Europe, is considered as the 
laminary of thii country. 

\ it is probable the fertility of our soil is here oyer-rated.— B». 



t7^ AGRICULTURE. 

pleasure ; such as"* poetic fancy feels in reading the 
fictions of the golden age. He early unites his for- 
tunes and destiny with those of some female, whose 
virtue, kindness, prudence and industry, seldom fail 
to dignify the raptures of passion into the calm sun- 
shine of lasting benevolence and esteem. They have 
no property : the new countries invite them, and 
they go thither animated with the most laudable and 
sanguine expectations. By a few years' labor, which 
they pass through with resolution, cheerfulness and 
hope, they acquire a competence, frequently wealth. 
Their numerous offspring are trained up in habits of 
industry, economy, and virtue. They settle around 
thf ir parents, forra a little society of most endearing 
friendship, and living in love and peace, they^ are 
prosperous and happy. 

This country has populated with unexampled rapid- 
ity. Since the close of the revolutionary war, the 
western line of settlements, extending from Canada to 
Georgia, has been moving westward, along the course 
of the great rivers, which lead to the Mississippi, and 
in the bosom of those rich countries, where the pro- 
duce of the earth rewards the laborer a hundred fold. 

While every art and science are cultivated, that of 
agriculture is by no means neglected. The different 
modes of subduing and cultivating the earth have, 
latterly especially, engaged the attention of men of 
opulence and leisure. Agricultural societies have 
been formed ; valuable essays and publications have 
been diffused over our country ; and the most impor- 
tant improvements have been brought from Europe, 
and practised with success. Too much praise can 
scarcely be bestowed on those enterprising men, who 
have published and diffused several important dic- 
tionaries of arts and sciences, particularly|the Ency- 
clopedia. From them, the most useful informatioft 
has been and may still be drawn. 

In the agriculture of this country, many improve- 
tfients are still to be made. We cannot but observe. 



AGRiCULTUREo 1 73 

with regret and concern, that many farmers entirely 
overlook the grand object, where their true interest 
centers. They blindly follow the footsteps of their 
fathers and ancestors, without deriving any benefit 
from reflection, inquiry, advice, or experiment. 
They never once dream, that husbandry, of all arts, 
is the most improvable. 

In our country, there is a scarcity of hands to labor. 
Whatever improvement, therefore, diminishes the 
quantity or increases the effects of hard labor, must 
be valuable. It is a prevailing fault, that our farm- 
ers, in but few instances, consult the nature and 
character of their farms, and regulate their tillage 
accordingly. They do not consider, whether they 
are more proper for grazing or for grain. They are 
determined entirely by accident or tradition, in the 
choice of the grasses or the grain ihey will raise. 
They pay little attention to the selection of seed ; an 
article of prime importance in every species of crop. 
They are equally negligent of the breed of their cat- 
tle, horses and especially of their sheep. Many 
things of this nature, in the farmer's art, may be 
attended to with little expense. Attention only 
seems to be requisite, and of that kind which might 
serve as matter of amusement. 

The greatest general fault, observable in the agri- 
culture of the United States, is, what might be f^xpect- 
ed from the fewness of laborers, an imperfect, slight 
and feeble tillage of too much land. It might, in a 
measure, be remedied. If a much greater attention 
were paid to the cultivation of various species of 
grass, and to the rearing of stock, far less labor would 
be requisite in tillage ; while at the same lime, the 
farmer's revenue would be increased ; and a smaller 
portion of his plough lands being put into a much 
higher state of cultivation, woOld yield him a much 
greater quantity of grain. Where he now obtains 
two hundred bushels of grain from twenty acres, he 
might then obtain the same quantity from five acres, 
35 



i 74 COMMERCE. 

The agricultural interest of this country is endan- 
gered from another quarter. An immense influx of 
foreign luxuries, and a taste for high living, seriously 
threaten the industry and habits of labor, prevalent 
among the middle .classes of people. It maj be said, 
indeed, that to purchse these luxuries, farmers must 
be industrious. It is a far more practical truth, that 
to use them does by no means consist with economy, 
and is absolutely incompatible with industry. 

The middle and northern states, especially the lat- 
ter, are cultivated by the very people, who ovvn the 
lands. Each farmer does his own labor : he not 
only superintends, but leads in his fields, and does 
much of the work wilh his own hands. During the 
intervals of labor, he reads the newspapers, talks 
politics, and becomes, at least in his own estimation, 
a profound statesman. It must, indeed, be confessed, 
that no other class of laborers on earth are so well 
informed as the New-England farmers. They are 
generally well versed in the circulating politics of the 
day: most of them having newspapers enough in 
their houses to paper all their rooms. 

COMMERCE. 

The commerce of the United States is both great 
and growing. Their advantages in this respect are 
not inferior to those of agriculture. A vast sea coast, 
indented with almost innumerable good harbors; a 
multitude of navigable rivers; a country abounding 
with articles of high demand for exportation, with 
eyery thing necessary to ship-building ; and as bold, 
hardy and enterprising a race of men, as ever braved 
the dangers of the sea ; all bid fair for commerce. 
We have already i>ecome one of the most commercial 
people in the world, and, it is thought, second to 
none, but Great Britain. 

Our advantages for <:ommerce arise from the fol 
owing considerations : 



COMMERCE. 173^ 

1. An extensive sea coast. From Maine to Geor- 
gia, inclusive, considering the windings of the coast, 
the distance is more than 2,000 miles. This whole 
coast is indented with good harbors. Many of them 
have already become places of considerable trade ; 
and many more are susceptible of the same advan- 
tages, and must rapidly rise into consideration, 
through the enterprise of ihe adjacent country. Some 
of our sea-porLs have already become great. There 
is probably no city on the globe, which is now ad- 
vancing with such rapid strides towards commercial 
greatness, as New-York. She is fast rising into the 
first rank of cities. Situated at the mouth of a noble 
and beautiful river, down whose gentle current, the 
wealth of an opulent country is wafted by nearly two 
thousand vessels, she trades with all parts of the 
world, and her ships are seen in every ocean. 

2. The United States are prodigiously intersected 
and almost insulated by large rivers. By a few carry- 
ing places, which, at no very distant day, will pro- 
bably be converted into canals, our whole country 
may be actually divided into several large islands. 
Those immense rivers, whose waters fall into the bay 
of Mexico, in some of their branches, extend nearly 
to the great lakes, or almost interlock with streams 
which fall into those lakes. One can scarcely glance 
an eye over the map of this country, without being 
surprised at the vast extent and facility of our inland 
navigation. 

This subject will attract more attention, and excite 
more admiration progressively, as the body of popu- 
lation shall move westward, and those forests, which 
now shade one of the most fertile countries in the 
world, shall be cleared av/aj^ 

3. The third remarkable trait favorable to our 
commerce, is a vast profusion of materials for ship- 
building. Masts, timber, plank, iron, flax, hemp, 
pitch, &c. are easily obtained in all parts, if not of 
the very best kind, yet of a quality fit for use. In 



17G LITERATURE. 

proof of this, our trading vessels are yearly increas- 
ing in a geometrical ratio. U is not to be concealed, 
indeed, that we import some of these materials from 
other countries ; which only shews that we have 
additional resources. 

4. The produce of our country forms the real basis 
of our commerce. To enumerate the articles we 
export, and receive from other nations in return, 
would fill many pages. The secret springs of com- 
mercial enterprise, open an immense field of specu- 
lation. Our ports are visited by \he ships of numer- 
ous nations, who find also their own interest in our 
trade. 

5. The character and temper of the inhabitants 
are well adapted to commerce. No people are more 
eager in pursuit of wealth. In this, their favorite 
object, they are often led too far. It is thought by 
some, to be the foible in their national character. 

LITERATURE. 

It is hoped that the foreigner, into whose hands 
this book may fall, will not too hastily judge, that the 
author is attempting to eulogize his native country. 
We are willing, he should set down liberally to the 
account of national attachment 5 but it is our pro- 
fessed intention to state simple facts. 

Regarding the literature of the United States as 
one entire object, judging impartially, and deciding 
with severity, we are compelled to say, that it is on a 
footing not only favorable, but highly flattering to the 
present and rising generation. We shall here repeat 
an observation, which has indeed often been made, 
but which, if true, cannot be made too often, nor 
dwelt upon too long: it is, that the lower class of 
people in this country are better informed, than the 
same class in any other country in the world. This 
observation applies with peculiar force to the north 
ern states. 



LITERATURE. 177 

That can be said of the United States, which can- 
not with justice be said of any other nation, viz. that 
all our citizens are, by some means or other, placed 
within the reach of a good education. Those whose 
advantages are worst, can scarcely be excluded from 
this rule, and, in general, it applies with certainty 
and strength. 

In some of the states, schools are made a public 
expense, and are supported by a regular assessment 
and tax. Every man pays, not according to the num- 
ber of his children, but according to the value of his 
estate. It is greatly to be lamented, that this is not 
universally the case. It can be viewed in no other 
light, than as the firmest pillar of national liberty, 
prosperity and happiness. The ignorance of the 
common people is the certain prelude to their pov- 
erty and slavery. 

The surprising difference between the people of 
those states, who have long felt the benign influence 
of these institutions, and others, speaks more loudly 
on this subject, and paints it in stronger colors, than 
are within the reach of tongues or pencils. But even 
in those states, where education is not made the ob- 
ject of legislative provision, industry and frugality 
can seldom fail to procure the means of acquiring a 
competent education. Where those means appear to 
be most wanting, that defect is obviously the result 
of criminal negligence in the people ; and can neither 
be ascribed, in any degree, to their necessary penury, 
nor the spirit of their government. 

Throughout every part of the United States there 
are, or may be, and probably will be, such schools as 
will lay a broad and respectable foundation for the 
instruction of the great body of the people. How 
happy would it be, if every state would establish 
schools by law ! In many instances, it would rescue 
the poor from ignorance, and it would ultimately free 
the country itself from those consequences, which 
every virtuous republican ought most to dread and 
deplore. 

35* 



178 LITERATURE. 

A material defect in our present system of educa- 
tion, is observable in the neglect, which too manj 
people are guilty of, relative to the qualifications of 
the teachers of their schools. Allured merely by 
cheapness, they often send their children to be taught 
by persons utterly unqualified. They thus repose the 
most important trust in persons destitute of every 
degree of merit. If in any case, it is necessary to 
employ a workman, who is master of his business, it 
is certainly so in the case of a school-master; and 
if moral qualifications are requisites in any profession, 
they should not be neglected in his, to whom is en- 
trusted the immensely important task of forming the 
minds of our children. 

Academical schools have of late years, become nu- 
merous, and their number is still rapidly increasing. 
They form an intermediate grade between colleges 
and common schools. From ihem, great benefit re- 
sults. In every neighborhood, where they are found, 
a number of youth are either fitted for college, or so 
"well educated as to enter with advantage upon the 
mechanical or commercial professions. 

In the United States, there are several respectable 
and flourishing colleges, in which young men are 
carried through the various branches of a polite and 
liberal education. The most important of these, at 
present, are Cambridge^ Yale and Princeton, Can> 
bridge college is the best endowed of any in the 
United States. 

The great increase of books in the United States, 
may be considered both as the cause and the effect 
of increasing taste and information. Books have 
multiplied, both from original production and impor- 
tation, far more rapidly, than people to read them. 
Still, however, regarding the whole mass of popula- 
tion, books cannot be said to be very plenty in this 
country. Although we have many men of learning, 
yet eminent erudition is rarely acquired, for want of 
access to proper sources of knowledge in this infant 



LITERATtJRE. 179 

country ; and for want of those liberal fortunes, 
which, in Europe, are sometimes lavished to foster 
genius. 

The encouragement of genius, by opulent men, is 
a thing scarcely known in our country, where to get 
what you can^ and keep lohat you have got^ is a funda- 
mental maxim with all classes : nor is it very strange 
that this maxim is so steadily pursued, since it is 
regarded as the only clue to wealth, and since to this 
most of the best estates owe their existence. 

It must be confessed, that our country has not, as 
yet, produced many literary works of superior merit. 
We have few men of leisure, or of very eminent 
learning : but if compared with the nations of Eu- 
rope, as to numbers, resources and duration, we 
shall not be found deficient. Indeed, the inference, 
from such a comparison, will be found highly in our 
favor. To suppose ourselves equal to the august 
literati of Europe, or nearly equal to them, with our 
inferior advantages, would be to set our powers of 
genius far above theirs. 

The United States can, as yet, boast of no such 
prodigies in literature. But we have men Whose 
attainments in the various branches of learning are 
decent and respectable ; and whose names will be 
transmitted with honor to posterity. We are doubt- 
less warranted in the assertion, that no country or 
nation, in so short a time, has exhibited more numer- 
ous speciniens of literary merit. 

The numerous periodical papers, of late years 
established in this country, have had a hhare of influ- 
ence in promoting knowledge. It is impoissible to 
form any conjecture concerning the number of maga- 
zines, ntuseums and newspapers now daily published. 
Several of them are of a moral and religious nature 
— are ably conducted, and have unquestionably been 
aitcnded with very beneficial eflects. 

It must he confessed, that new?papers are net al- 
ways to be regarded, as the pureai channels of poiiti- 



1 80 LITERATURE. 

cal intelligence. They are too generally devoted to 
party, and of course to private views. And since 
this article is before us, we cannot omit the occasion 
of observing, that several of our public papers have 
been conducted, not bj party men, but by foreigners, 
who, could it b(i presumed thai they understand the 
nature of our government and civil policy, are utterly 
incapable of feeling any interest in, or concern for 
either. They are in quest of wealth and famre, and 
are decidedly of that description of fortune-hunters, 
who feel no delicacy in the choice of expedients to 
accomplish their purposes. That they pursue the 
course they do, is bo matter of surprise, since they 
act from temper, habit and necessity. But it is mat- 
ter of serious regret, that the people of our country 
should give them countenance — be led by them, and 
look up to them ns their political guides. 

We repeat the observation, that those foreigners, 
generally speaking, who have carried on several pub- 
lic papers, and have made much editorial noise in our 
country, are, by no means, to be considered as party 
men. They have, indeed, been the tools of parly ; 
but they are of any side, which suits their imperious 
necessities : they are any thing — they are every 
thing — they are nothing. 

We hope we shall not be thought impertinent, 
when we ask, What would be the fate of an American 
printer wHo should go into London, or Paris, and set 
up his political manufactory upon as large a scale as 
those foreigners do among us ? He should tell them 
plainly what his designs were : for these fellows are 
seldom guilty of taciturnity. He should, in fact, 
begin thus — '' Gentlemen, you are an unhappy peo- 
ple : you have great advantages; but do not know 
how to impr(»ve ihem. I have come among you to 
be your savior — to diffuse light through your be- 
nighted regions.' In the first place, I shall correct 
the abuses of your government, and reduce all things 
to the uniform rule of justice : I shall change your 



NATIONAL ACADEMY. 181 

ministry, which ought not to remain any longer ia 
the hands of such men as now are in power; and 
1 shall put up certain persons who will do you ample 
justice. As 1 have leisure, I shall look into all jour 
departments of state, and I pledge myself 1 will 
never cease, till 1 have regulated your nation.^^ 

A stvle like this, from a foreigner, would not pass 
current in any nation, but our own. We have heard 
it, shall 1 say, with patience — with applause — with 
gratitude. Many of our simple citizens, and simple 
indeed tbey must be, have looked up to those loqua- 
cious parrots, who, to be sure, rccile their lessons 
with wonderful volubility, and have been ready to 
exclaim, // is the voice of God, and not man. 

They have affected to be at the head of the great 
parties, into which our country has been unhappily 
divided. They have dealt abundantly \\\i\\ great men 
and great things — have, in short, affected to be the 
scourgers and purifiers of the times. The fact is, 
their presses have been the common sewers of the 
times, from which have issued streams of filth and 
falsehood sufficient to overwhelm and drown every 
thing but immortal truth and virtue. 

NATIONAL ACADEMY. 

The existence of an institiition of learning, found- 
ed on such principles, and embracing such objects of 
instruction, as would entitle it to be called a national 
academy, could it fairly be accomplished, must be of 
great utility and importance. The progress of our 
schools and colleges, considering the age and re- 
sources of the country, is certainly respectable and 
highly flattering to the enterprise and genius of our 
people. There seems, however, to be wanting an 
important wheel in the system ; which, without im- 
pairing the value of any one now in motion, might 
act as a primary moving power, and communicate 
energy and stability to the whole extensive machine. 



182 NATIONAL ACADEMY. 

It raay be thought a degree of arrogance and pre- 
sumption to carry our suggestion, on a subject of such 
delicacy and importance, any further. But waving 
an extreme sensibility to diffidence and reserve, we 
shall further suggest, that the institution contemplat- 
ed, should embrace the general circle of science sup- 
posed to be included in a liberal education. That, 
in a special manner, the learned languages and math- 
ematics should be taught much farther than they 
commonly are. in this country. For, it must be con- 
fessed, that our college graduates are, as .a body, 
very deficient in those essential branches of learning ; 
though some of our colleges, at the present time, are 
making noble exertions to remedy these defects. 

The English language is professedly taught in all 
our schools of learning. It is, however, not cultivated 
in a manner best calculated to give it that perfection, 
which is desirable, and probably attainable. Though 
professedly taught, it seems to be for the most part 
overlooked and lost in the rapid succession of nume- 
rous objects considered as more directly classical ; 
and scholars retire from school without being perfect- 
ed, or even well grounded, in orthographj?', etymology, 
syntax or prosody. It thence happens, that the lan- 
guage of the nurse ever predominates over that of the 
master, provincial dialects prevail, and the reflection, 
sometimes cast upon our colleges, proves but too 
true, that a collegian, as such, is seldom a good Eng- 
lish scholar.* 

History and government embrace some of the 
most important branches of knowledge, which ever 
invited the attention of man. Objects of such mag- 
nitude and splendor, should engage and fix the atten- 
tion of young men more strongly, and for a much 
longer time, than is usual in our seminaries of learn- 
ing. Instead of forming a smgle science, their neces- 

• Is it not desirable, that the English language should be more 
studied at college, even though other languages should be studied 
less ?— Ed. 



NATIONAL ACADEMY. 183 

sary elements combine a cluster of the most elevated 
sciences, and among classical pursuits, they are cer- 
tainly some of the most interestmg. 

Oratory is taught in our ceileges with little suc- 
cess. Boys, who have been well taught in grammar 
schools, are frequently observed to return from col- 
lege worse speakers, than they entered. This is not 
owing to inattention or want of skill in their tutors 
at college, but wholly to want of time. Sciences of 
such importance crowd on so fast, that, in fact, more 
time must be taken, or some things must be neglected. 

The learned professions have certainly been pur- 
sued in this country with success. But the advan- 
tages arising from an institution liberally endowed 
in these respects must be obvious to every reflecting 
mind. 

Several things must be perceived to be requisite to 
the establishment of such an academy. 

It must be made an object of legislative provision* 
Reliance could not be had on the resources of indi- 
viduals, it is presumed that it might be made a pub- 
lic expense without increasing burdens, involving 
embarrassments, or exciting murmurs. It must be 
situated centrally, rather as to intelligence than ter- 
ritory. Its discipline must be strict j nor will it 
probably ever succeed, without its governing authori- 
ties can, in some way, be clothed with civil power. 
The instructors employed must be men of very great 
learning and abilities ; the qualifications for admit- 
tance must be high and distinguishing, and regulated 
both by age and attainments. 1'lie term of continu- 
ance should be much longer than is usual at public 
schools ; nor should a scholar be capable of receiv- 
ing degrees but by merit and a certain age. The 
libraries, apparatus, and salaries and, of course^ the 
funds of the institiition, must be great. 

Could such an institution be established in the 
United States, various important benetits would be 
derived from it. It would strongly tend to abolish 



184 NATIONAL ACAl)EMY, 

provincial dialects, of course, to improve and perfect 
our own language, which at present, is in danger, 
from so wide a territory, such a compounded mass of 
societj, and so feeble and disconnected a plan of edu- 
cation. Nor would its influence be less, in forming 
many eminent literary characters; of which at pre- 
sent we cannot boast. The sciences of history and 
government ably instructed and deeply studied, would 
not fail of their salutary effect. 

This institution would rouse all the colleges in the 
several states to emulation, or rather would rouse the 
several states to patronize the colleges, and prove, in 
that way, a source of general improvement ; and by 
that means, we should soon rise to a level with the 
nations of Europe in point of literature. In one word, 
it would promote the great interests of literature and 
government, and from the operation of various causes, 
strengthen the harmony and union of the states. 

Several apparent singularities in the preceding 
plan have arisen from a strong conviction, that boys 
are generally allowed to finish their education too 
young. By thftse means, many of our finest geniuses 
are lost to society. They are sent very young to 
school, where, perhaps, they discover marks of genius, 
which excite great hopes of future excellence. Pa- 
rental fondness and the vain ambition of the teacher 
press them rapidly, and of course, superficially, 
through their studies. They are hastened away to 
college, enter, and perhaps graduate at fifteen or six- 
teen years of age. By the time they are eighteen, 
they need to enter freshmen, and go through the 
same course again, to make them decent stholars. 

It is clearly perceived, that various deviations from 
this plan might be necessary in case of actual experi- 
ment} but not to enter into the merits of the main 
question relative to this subject, we shall only^ observe, 
that there seem to be two defects in the plan of edu- 
cation pursued by the people of the United States. 
The first is the want of a sufficient number of men of 



NATIONAL ACADEB»Y. lt$ 

eminent erudition and literature. The preceding 
plan, or sonnething similar, would tend to remedy 
this defect. The second is, the dangerous power the 
great body o( the people have in their hands, to ne- 
glect the education of their children. Some of the 
wisest nations of antiquity considered, that parents 
were not the proper persons to be trusted with the 
education of their children, on account of their natu- 
ral affection and partiality for tliem. This matter, 
therefore, was under the Jirection of their council of 
state, and was thought one of its most weighty con- 
cerns, as most certainly it was. 

The happy effect of establishing schools by law in 
every district of people of size sufficient for that pur- 
pose, has been demonstrated by experience, in vari- 
ous parts of this country. Their townships are laid 
•ffinto districts, consisting of thirty or forty families 
each. I»i each of these a board of trustees, or more 
properly, a school commitee, is appointed. It is the 
business of this commitee to provide a teacher, who 
must be examined, approved and licensed ; and also 
to superintend the affairs of the school, A sum of 
money is levied upon the town sufficient to pay the 
masters of the several schools, and is assessed upon 
every man, as other taxes are, according to his ratable 
estate. Tliis money is apportioned and paid out to 
the several districts, according to the number of chil- 
dren they contain over four and under sixteen years 
of age. This system has the following excellences : 

1. It compels every man to do his duty : and next 
to the duties a man owes to his Maker, probablv 
none are more important, than those he owes to his 
children, 

2. If a man is compelled to pay his school tax, 
wh.ether he sends his children to school or not, he 
will be likely to send them. Whereas if his paying 
be optional, he will often be under a strong tempta- 
tion not to pay, and. of course, neglect the education 
of bis children. 

3fJ 



186 RELIGION. 

3. The poor who may have wumerous famihe?, 
will have iidle to pay, and yet may scliool all their 
children. 

4. Many rich men, who have few or no child ren^ 
will pay liberally for the education of the children of 
the poor; than wlsich, they cannot make a more ac- 
ceptable offering in the sight of Heaven, or do man- 
kind a greater favor. 

These suggestions are made in the firm persuasion, 
that the establishment of schools by law over this 
widely extended country, will greatly condiice to 
promote the happiness, and perpetuate the liberties 
of the people. 

RELIGION. 

It is extremely evident, that liberty of conscience 
is among the natural rights of mankind. Nothing 
can be more reasouablr, than that a man should enjoy 
his own opinions concerning his Maker, and a future 
^tate; B;jt the unskilfulness of most nations has led 
;hem so to blend religion wi'-i state policy, as to 
render religious disputes a matter of temporal in- 
terest. Hence have originated innumerable persecu- 
tions and wars; and the repose of nations has often 
been interrupted by religious quarrels. 

The Christian church had scarcely time to take 
breath from the incessant persecutions of the Roman 
emperors, before she began to persecute her own 
refractory children. In the fury of her misguided 
zeal, she grew intolerant, haughty and cruel, and, for 
several cenluries, seemed to dispute the character of 
cruelty, with the worst of the heathen emperors. 
The reader of history is compelled to deplore the 
persecuting spirit, which seemed destined to reign 
and triumph in the midst of all the improvements of 
•modern Europe — in the midst, we might almost say, 
of learning, philosophy and benevolence : for, hov/; 
ever expanded the human mind became, however 



RELIGION. 187 

exalted by science and virtue, many of the wisest of 
men could not but think it right, that all should be 
compelled to think with them, and subscribe to their 
articles of faith. 

Some honorable efforts had been made in Europe 
toward emancipating the minds of men from this 
tyrannical chain : but that grand and noble work 
was effected in this country. Here the Ruler of 
providence planted a nation, which he designed 
should give to the universe one illustrious specimen 
of religious freedom. This grand exhibition was to 
be made under every advantage. The experiment 
was not left to be effected by some petty tribe, some 
obscure horde, some remote clan in a narrow corner, 
but by a nation possessing one of the fairest, most 
opulent and extensive political divisions of the earth ; 
a nation, grown numerous by natural population, rich 
by unparalleled industry, and powerful by its own 
inherent firmness, bravery and virtue. 

In the United States, the constitutions both of the 
general and state governments, breathe the purest 
spirit of religious liberty. There can be no greater 
proof of this, than that such a spirit prevails orul 
reigns through every part of the United States. 
There exists no subordination of sects or parties. Every 
man worships God a-ccording to the dictates of hie 
own conscience. No one disturbs him ; no one re- 
bukes him. The stern features of bigotry, if they 
exist, are kept covered under a double veil : the 
threatening voice of spiritual despotism is never 
heard. 

In the country, there are various religious denom- 
inations, such as Presbyterians, Episcopalians, Bap- 
tists, Quakers, Methodists, &c. If perfect harmony 
does not, in every instance, prevail among them, it is 
more from accidental causes, than from any rancor^ 
occasioned by their distinguishing tenets. While we 
cannot but observe the harmony of the different re- 
ligious sects, with a degree of pleasure, we lament. 



188 RELIGION. 

that such differences should exist ; and especiallf^ 
that the breach should be unnecessarily widetied, as it 
seems, in some cases, to be, where Christians put up 
nriore bars, than their tenets seem to require or justify. 

The enlightening and Conversion of the heathen, 
have of late years, considerably engaged the atten- 
tion of the Christian world. Attempts have been 
made in Europe, to send missionaries into various 
parts, for that purpose ; and the people of the United 
States, have also been roused in their attention to 
the same salutary object ; various denominations of 
Christians have severally combined their influence 
and exertions. It is ardently to be wished, that this 
business might so prosper, as to form the leading 
trait in the religious character of these times ; and, 
especially, that it might form an all-important era in 
ihe history of savage nations, by enrolling them with 
civilized and Christian people. 

Our debt to savage nations, both of reparation and 
benevolence, is immense. If the Christian be the 
true and only saving religion, of what importance it 
is, that they should know it !^ Their instruction and 
improvement form an object, not unworthy even of 
the patronage of government. The voice of hu- 
manity loudly bewails their deplorable condition. 
We may safely affirm, that legislative interference is 
often employed in matters of less magnitude ; but we 
may rest assured, that the government of this country 
will, at least, smile on the benevolent designs and 
endeavors of individuals, and uill smooth the way 
for their accomplishment.* 

If the prejudices of heathens against Christianity 
are strong; they are fortified in them by fr^cts of a 
most stubborn and glaring nature. They judge of 
this religion, to them unknown, by what they con- 
sider the best meaqs of judging, the conduct of na- 

* The patronage extended by our g-overnment to the Cherokee 
and Chockiaw missions, cannot but excite the gratitude of every 
benevolent heart.— Eo. 



RELIGION. 189 

lions professiiig it. ^ history of the aggressions of 
Christian nations upon the heathen, would form a 
volume of the most glaring crimes. On this score, 
what a catalogue of enormities would be found in the 
countries and islands of India, in Africa, in the West- 
Indies, in South America and in various parts of 
North America. What oppression, injustice and 
monstrous outrage, the defenceless people of those 
unenlightened climes, have suffered, from nations 
professing the just, holy, humane and pacific princi- 
ples of Christianity ! 

For those nations, thus suffering, thus bleeding 
with recent wounds, it is natural to view in one light 
the professor, and the religion professed. 

To this, as a principal cause, it is doubtless owinsj, 
that so great a part of the world still remains heathen. 
Those nations, who have been favored most with the 
light of science and truth, have improved their 
superior advantages to the injury and ruin of their 
fellow-creatures less informed. While Christians, as 
a body, conducted agreeably to their principles, while 
they behaved like subjects of the Prince of peace, 
success attended their doctrines, their institutions 
spread with rapidity, and their missionary labors 
were not in vain. But those happy days have been 
long past. Christian nations, once having become 
powerful, thought no more of converting the heathen, 
but by the point of the sword : and they have carried 
on this mode of conversion upon the most extensive 
scale, and with a high hand. Millions have fallen a 
sacrifice, and the remnant have only survived to hate, 
abhor, and curse the Christian name, from father to 
son, forever. 

It is time to think of reparation. But, alas! what 
amends can be made for past ages, and for innumer- 
able millions? 1 forbear to mention the awful repara- 
tion, which even now may be preparing for their ruin. 
Almighty Providence has their destroyers in his hand 5 
but their blood, even the atrocious guilt of their 
36* 



i^ RELIGIOJf. 

destruction, has descended and rests on the heads of 
Christian powers now on the stage of action. They, 
too, are in the hand of the same just Providence, 
which has determined their fall. The present severe 
commotions can only be regarded as the movements 
of that high and dreadful wheel, which will pass over 
and crush them, and cause them to become like chaff 
of the summer threshing-floor. 

May we hope that our infant country is reserved 
to a happier destiny? Suc-h a hope can only be 
grounded on the idea of our cleaving wholly to the 
Christian character. If we do this, we shall not only 
enjoy the smiles of Heaven, and the solid and lasting 
benefits of divine protection, but we shall look on the 
poor savages, on our borders, as our unhappy breth- 
ren, and shall not only treat them with clemency, 
but make every possible exertion for their instruction 
and salvation. 

It cannot be doubted, that the perfect religious free- 
dom prevalent in this country, is, in some instances, 
improved to the purposes of licentiousness. It pro- 
bably tends to promote and cherish a great diversity 
of opinions: perhaps it is often attended with gross 
neglects of religious institutions, such as the Sabbath, 
and attendance on public worship. It has been ac- 
cused of favoring infidelity, and leading to the utter 
neglect and contempt of all religion. Experience, 
however, refutes the accusation. It is confidently 
presumed, that religion is regarded with as much 
sincerity in this country, as in any, where there is 
less religious freedom. 

But should it even be granted, that libertinism, in 
some instances, seems to be rather encouraged by 
such unbridled freedom, as well might one urge, as 
an objection to free government, that it tends to li- 
centiousness in the people. The important and in- 
calculable benefit resulting froni our religious sys- 
tem, is the general diffusion of light and knowledge. 
When a man is left to choose his own religion, the 



GOVERNMENT. 1 91 

moment he is convinced that important consequences 
are likely to result from his choice, he begins to listen, 
to inquire, to examine, to discuss. He finds others 
engaged in the same pursuit. They prompt, encour- 
age, and aid one another. It thence happens, that no 
other country on earth equals this for religious in- 
quiries. Nor is there any country, where the people, 
as a body, are so well informed in religious matters. 

GOVERNMENT. 

The government of the United States seems to be 
without a parallel. We find nothing like it in modern 
times. Anciently the Greeks had something, which 
resembled it ; but that resemblance was indeed re- 
mote and feeble. Their Amphictyonic council was 
little different from an assembly of embassadors, 
saving that they met regularly both as to time and 
place ; and, when convened, their proceedings were 
more like some kind of supreme court, than a repre- 
sentative legislative body. 

Our government is no less singular as to its nature, 
than as to its origin. It is, perhaps, the only govern- 
ment which, in all its parts, was the result of plan, 
foresight, or design. Most governments have been 
jumbled into existence, from mere accident, by a con- 
currence of unforeseen events. Great things have 
grown from small beginnings. Men have been fa- 
tigued into compliance with the dictates of prompt 
and daring ambition ; and have acquiesced in a sys- 
tem of arbitrary power. But in our case, a number 
of men, competent to so great a work, sat down and 
planned our government. Before them lay the legis- 
lation of past ages. They saw the rocks and shoals, 
on which many have dashed. They did what they 
could for our benefit. The plan they formed was 
dictated by their knowledge of our circumstances 
and it is probably the ablest and best plan of govern- 
ment, ever formed by man. 



192 «OVERNMENT. 

I In all human concerns, theory and practice are 
often found to differ. We shall not so far infringe 
upon the sphere of the politician, as to meddle with 
the practical part, that is, the administration of our 
government : nor shall we take any other notice of 
the theory, than as a mere matter of speculation. No 
human government can be perfect. Of course, the 
best ever devised by mortal man, must be subject to 
changes, inconveniences, weaknesses and, ultimateij, 
to dissolution.* Man himself must fail ; and can it 
be thought strange, that all his works should, in that 
respect, resemble him ? 

Some writers insist, that a government, in order to 
have virtue, strength and duration, must combine the 
three principles of monarchy, aristocracy and demo- 
cracy. It cannot be doubted, that monarchy is the 
strongest form of government ; that aristocracy has 
the most wisdom; and democracy^ the most virtue. 
Could a government be formed, which would unite 
the strength of monarchy without its tyranny ; the 
wisdom of aristocracy wfthout its ambition ; and the 
virtue of democracy without its weakness and folly, 
that form would be the best. 

Our government is wholly without the monarchical 
branch : it only combines aristrocracy with republi- 
canism. The probability is, that, though republican 
in theory, it will, in the course of events, become, in 
a great measure, aristocratic. Our executive power 
is weak, and the aristocratic tendency of the whole 
machine too obvious to escape the notice of any one 
who looks attentively at it. Power and influence can 
never be long separated from wealth. Many govern- 
ments, in theory, have professed to confer honor and 
office according to merit. No theory has been more 
specious than ours. But, in this country, the honors 
and offices will be controlled by a chain of influence, 
whose last link will be made fast by a golden staple* 

• There seems to be no necessity that our excellent government 
should be destroyed, till the ^vorld itself is destroyed.— E». 



GOVERNMENT. 193 

True, it may be said, that our government is elective, 
and almost every man is eligible to office. But what 
is our chief magistrate? He is elevated at the head 
of several millions of people, U there is such a 
thing as a natural aristocracy in society, he must be 
from that class. He must be a man of the most 
elevated dignity — a man of a mind far superior 
to other men, and whose life, character, circum- 
stances and fortunes have combined to raise him far 
above the common level. Hence, though the office 
is elective, yet it is as completely beyond the reach 
of the great mass of the people, as though it were 
hereditary. 

Let it be supposed, that there are seven men in the 
United Slates, adequate to the discharge of the duties 
of President. Their depth can only be fathomed, and 
their qualifications traced, by men of nearly equal 
capacity. The great body of the people never saw, 
and never will see, those seven. They must be made 
known to the community, by men of an intermediate 
grade of intelligence, who are still far above the com- 
mon level. Perhaps one hundred men must be the 
sources of intelligence to the millions who compose 
the nation. N(ir yet can this hundred act upon the 
community, but by another intermediate grade, con- 
sisting, we will say, of a thousand. Thus it appears, 
that our right of suffrage, in the election of our chief 
magistrate, is an immensely complicated system of 
influence, interest, favor, confidence and proxy. A 
chain of influence, composed of ten thousand links, 
and divided into ten thousand branches, descends 
with tortuous course to the great body of the people. 
Nobodj'^ can tell where, or how, it begins. If it is 
corrupt in its source, it seldom grows porer in its 
propagation ; or, if it arise from a pure fountain, it is 
often checked and defeated in its progress. One man 
tells me to vote for A — another tells me to vote 
for B. I know nothing of A or B, but from the dis- 
tant and discordant murmurs of common fame, I 



1 91 GOVERNMENT. 

decide the important question, therefore, not by 
comparing the qualifications of A and B, but by 
balancing the integrity and good sense of two per- 
sons much nearer me, by whom A and B are recom- 
mended. 

And who are the senators of the United States ? 
They are two in number from each state. They 
should be, as all acknowledge, men of great abilities, 
great integrity, and supereminent virtue. They can 
be found only in the highest and most dignified walks 
of life. They must be men, the general current of 
whose lives has evinced their greatness and integrity 
— of course, men rarely to be found. They must be 
selected from the happy few, who, by a peculiar des- 
tiny, are fit to be entrusted with the most arduous 
and important concerns of a nation. The right of 
suffrage, therefore, in the great body of the people, 
avails no more than this, viz. to say which one of 
the few shall be the man ; nor can they say that, till 
they are told which one shall be the man, by some- 
body who knows him better than they do. 

The same observations apply with equal force to 
the choice of the members of the house of represen- 
tatives. We will suppose, that each member of that 
house has forty thousand constituents : not one fourth 
of them have any personal knowledge of him, nor 
any knowledge of him, but by information from, per- 
haps, some man, who knows some man, who knows 
some man, &;c. who knows him better than they do. 
It amounts to this, that, from among the (ew qualified 
for that important office, one must be selected ; and 
it should be the one, who is the best among forty 
thousand. As a general principle, it will happen, 
that this office will be obtained by the most opulent, 
influential, or intriguing men in society — men ele- 
vated far above the common level ; and sometimes 
men who are strangers to the views, feelings and 
interests of the great body of the people. Therefore, 
although ^e have no titles of nobiljty in our country, 



GOVERNMENT. 195 

yet all the branches of government being organized 
and nnade up of men of a class superior in point of 
intellect, interest, influence and, we might add, of 
intrigue, it can scarcely be doubted, that it will, one 
day or other, tend to aristocracy. 

A government, composed of branches from differ- 
ent classes of men, which branches, in the proper ex- 
ercise of their powers will be actuated bj an opposi- 
tion of interest and prerogative, will check and bal- 
ance itself, and by action and re-action, mi\ preserve 
an equilibrium ; but wheii all parts of government 
are from men of one class — have but one interest, 
and lean the same way, the consequ^ce is obvious. 
In a word, in the formation of governments, allow- 
ance should be made for man as a selfish being ; and, 
in the different branches, that seKishness should be 
so situated as to impel them in different directions. 
When a man's interest leads him to do right, wc have 
the surest pledge of his conduct. 

In our country, the vast objecfs to be disposed of 
by periodical and frequent elections, will be a fruitful 
source of contention, difficulty and danger. The am- 
plest field for chicanery and intrigue, will be opened 
ihat ever existed. Merit is generally modest, and 
rather seeks concealment; while ambition assumes a 
thousand forms of disguise, stoops to the meanest 
arts, and is always noisy for the public good. 

The CO existent powers of the general and state 
governments, especially in the legislative and judi- 
ciary departments, render the whole machine as com- 
plicated, as it is great. U will require time, and, it 
is feared, more wisdom and virtue than are common 
to mankind, to define their respective limits, to adjust 
duly their interfering claims, to extend or restrain 
their jurisdictions, as may be necessary on future 
emergencies. 

One of the most serious evils, to which the constitu- 
tion of our government is liable, (and the same may- 
be said of ail written constitutions,) is the power. 



196 GOVERNMENT, 

caprice, ambiguity and fallacy of construction. The 
instrument is very concise, though perhaps nothing 
of a similar nature was ever more explicit and intelli-^ 
gible. The political tactician, however, can easily 
demonstrate, that no system of law or form of gov- 
ernment can be couched in such language, as to be 
beyond the reach of sophistry. The clearest, most 
forcible and positive expressions, are liable to con- 
structions, glosses, colorings and perversion. It is 
remarkable, (hat some of the greatest and most im- 
portant political disputes in this country have arisen 
respecting the intent and meaning of the constitution. 
In those disputes, not only the people at large, but 
even statesmen, have actually taken different sides, 
and maintained the controversy in the most strenu- 
ous manner. 

But without virtue in the people — indeed, without 
great wisdom and circumspection, the best theory 
that ever existed on paper, will be like a paper wall 
opposed to the cannon's mouth. The wisest regula- 
tions, the best laws, will be censured as unconstitu- 
tional, through mere perversion : the constitution 
itself will be assailed, under pretext of amendment; 
it will be curtailed, mutilated, undermined, and de- 
stroyed. Nothing can prevent evils of this nature, 
but public virtue. 

The vast disparity among the different states will 
ultimately prove a source of danger to our govern- 
ment. So long as human nature remains what it now 
is, men v/ill not fail to avail themselves of the power 
put into their hands, and, generally, to selfish pur- 
poses. While some of the states are as large as the 
kingdoms of Europe, ethers are quite diminutive, 
and, on the principle of equal representation, must 
have little influence in the general government. An 
equality in the Senate can by no means give the 
small states an equi-ponderance, since in the lower 
house, the essential laws of the union generally 
originate* On thi« rock, the Grecian republics were 



GOVERNiMENT. 197 

ruined. Though it must be confessed, we are far 
better provided for against the evil, than they were, 
yet our provision may prove ineffectual : the larger 
states will be likely to predominate and govern. 
This will occasion negotiations, combinations, and 
intrigues, till, at length, Lacedemon^ Athens^ or Thebes, 
will rule the rest. 

The theorist cannot but see defect in our judiciary 
system. The judiciary department, under every free 
government, is the proper guard of the laws: but, in 
our country, the laws of the union are, in a great 
measure, left to the guardianship of courts, whose ex- 
istence depends on the state legislatures. It may, 
indeed, be said, that this will serve to guarantee the 
liberties of each state. Will it do this? or rather 
will it not repose the security of the general govern- 
ment on the virtue nf each individual state ? — a prop 
too feeble for the weight it sustains. The causes, of 
which the federal court holds jurisdiction, are few, 
and of small importance, compared with the vast pe- 
cuniary concerns of the state courts ; while, on the 
other hand, the legislative concerns of the general 
government, as much outweigh those of the several 
states. It amounts to this, that the legislative power 
of this country is holden by the general government; 
the judicial by the several states. It will also serve 
to set this matter in a stronger light, by observing 
that it has been the manifest policy of some of the 
larger states, to lessen the sphere and diminish the 
importance of the federal courts. 

No organ of government can be considered as com- 
plete, in which there does not exist a plenitude of 
legislative, executive, and judicial powers. The gen- 
eral government legislates, and looks to the state 
judiciaries for the carrying of its laws into effect. But 
if, as many assert, the state governments are to ope- 
rate as a check upon the general government ; if 
they are to be considered as the ?inchor of our liber- 
tJea, how plausible will be their pretext, and how fre- 
37 



198 GOVERNMENT. 

quent their opportunities for opposing the laws of the 
union. In the present calm of pubiic passion, and 
reign of virtue, while, as }et, many of those patriots 
are alive, who first asserted and accomplished our 
freedom from a foreign yoke, there is, perhaps, little 
danger from these sources ; but the time may come 
when things shall be quite altered. Such a time 
probably will come long before our population shall 
equal the means of subsistence in our country. 

To give symmetry and permanence to our system 
of government, one would be induced, from pursuing 
the preceding train of reflections, to thir^k that our 
federal judiciary sliould be as extensive in its juris- 
diction as the legislature. Perhaps, however, the 
importance of the state judiciaries is necessary to the 
subsistence of the states in their distinct capacity. 
How far, and in what sense are the individual states 
independent ? How far are they consolidated ? What 
is the nature and strength of their union ? How 
is that union to be preserved ? and how long will it 
last ? 

THE SPIRIT OF OUR GOVERNMENT AS IT 
RELATES TO F^OREIGNERS. 

No government was ever more benevolent or lib- 
eral to foreigners, than that of the United Slates, it 
has holden out to them the greatest encouragements; 
nor has it disappointed their expectations. When 
arrived in this country, they have been fostered and 
cherished with the greatest care and sympathy for 
their lonesome and exiled condition. They have 
been taken by the hand, not only by our citizens, but 
by the government itself. They have not only been 
aided in business, but have been made citizens, and 
honored with the public confidence, by appointments 
to offices under the government. 

The object of our people and of the government 
itself; in this matter, has doubtless first been to pro- 



GOVERNMENT. 199 

mote emigrations from Europe. The first settlers in 
this country, while it was 3et a mighty wilderness, 
considered themselves as in a kind of voluntary exile. 

They seemed for a long lime to want nothing so 
much as inhabitants. Even after they had grown so 
numerous, as to feel no fear of the savages, still there 
was an almost boundless continent before them. 
They felt the want of people on all accounts ; to 
clear off the woods ; to cultivate the lands ^ to carry 
on the manual arts ; to promote the liberal sciences; 
and, in short, for all the grand objects of peace and 
war. 

To them, nothing was so desirable, as the arrival 
of new settlers. They solicited emigrations, and re- 
ceived and caressed strangers from all nations w'ith 
the utmost warmth and sincerity. 

This disposition becoming habitual and universal, 
it descended from father to son, and lost nothing even 
by that revolution, which severed us from Great 
Britain, and made us an independent nation. When 
the present federal government was formed, it could 
not but savor of those notions of government which 
were co-extensive with the Anglo-Americans, and 
had been coeval with their first settlement in this 
country. An immense country ; few people; a ter- 
ritory, but the margin of v;})ich was as yvt settled ; 
universal liberty, both civil and religious ; freedom of 
thought and speech ; great sinccrily of mind and sim- 
plicity of manners; respect for, and , confidence in 
strangers coming to live among us, were objects 
whose influence predominated in the minds of all 
classes, not excepting those, who formed our state 
constitutions. 

To increase the population of our extensive terri- 
tories, provision v.as made for the encouragement of 
emigration. The warm benevolence of individuals, 
prompted them to institute societies for the aid of 
emigrants, and legal provision was made, that, in a 
short time, and with little trouble, they might become, 



200 GOVERNMENT. 

our fellow-citizens, and partake of all the privileges 
and immunities of our country. Nor did our zeal to 
promote the cause of foreigners stop here. Several 
of them, in various parts, were promoted to offices of 
considerable trust and importance, and were allowed 
to share largely in the honors, po\yers and emolu- 
ments of government. 

The people of the United States, in their favor to 
foreigners, were prompted by purer motives, than 
those of a selfish nature. Although theysaw their 
interest in an increase of population, }et humanity 
itself, and that of the most generous and elevated 
nature, had much influence in this business. They 
wished the.ir country might be an asylum for the poor 
and oppressed from all nations. It was their ambi- 
tion to give strangers, who wanted a country and a 
home, so welcome a reception, and alTord them such 
privileges, as to efface from their memories the days 
of their affliction and distress, or to cause them to be 
remembered, only to heighten the contrast of their 
present good fortune and felicity. Many an unhappy 
exile can, with great propriety, say, / was a stranger, 
and ye took me in. 

It is not unlikely, however, that the future histo- 
rian will be compelled to say, that our government, 
in relation to foreigners, erred through excess of be- 
nevolence and urbanity. ]n general the incentives 
to emigration were both needless and unsafe. From 
the natural progress of population, our increase was 
great, almost without a parallel. Far distant from 
the desolating wars of Europe, our fathers dwelt in 
the bosom of peace and plenty, and under the smiles 
of Providence, had yearly accessions of strength, 
more to be relied on, than mercenary armies, or any 
description of foreign emigrants. 

The rapid increase of any nation, by means of an 
influx of foreigners, is dangerous to the repose of 
that nation ; especially if the number of emigrants 
bears any eonsiderabie proportion to the old inhabi' 



GOVERNMENT. 1201 

tants. Even if that proportfon is very small, the 
tendency of the thing is injurious, unless the new 
comers are more civilized and more virtuous, and have 
at the same time, the same ideas and feelings about 
government. But if they are more vicious, they 
will corrupt ; if less industrious, they will promote 
idleness; if they have different ideas of gover-nment, 
they will contend ; if the same, they will intrigue 
and interfere. 

The people, brought up in the bosom of the Brifish 
kingdoms, are essentially diflferent from us, both in 
their views and feelings about government. Thoiigh 
they may use the same words that we use ; though 
they express the same abhorrence of tyranny and op- 
pression, yet liberty, considered as a creature of the 
mind, is with them a ditferent thing, from what it is 
with us. It is no difficult matter to account for the 
licentious views of liberty, and th(i romantic ideas of 
the freedom of this country, entertained by the lower 
classes of Europeans. From their infancy, they have 
associated with government and law, the idea of 
tyranny and injustice, and with liberty, a slate of 
society as unrestrained, as a state of nature. When 
they come into this country and hnd law and govern- 
ment of a sterner cast, than they had figured to them- 
selves, they soon grow discontented and seek for a 
revolution. 

The history of Rome furnishes a striking instance 
of the dcploiable efFects of an influx of strangers into 
a coujitry. After the Romans had conquered Car- 
thage, Greece, Asia and Gaul, Italy presently was 
filled with enterprising emigrants from all quarters. 
Though they came, as it were, singly, and as humble 
suppliants, yet they, in eftipct, conquered their con-. 
querors. They inundated all Italy. The majesty of 
the ancient Romans w;^s obscured, overwhelmed, and 
utterly lost, in an innumerable swarm of foreigners. 
The evil came on by slow and imperceptible degrees ; 
but was at last irresistible and fatal. These were the 
37* 



202 <>OVEKSM£NT, 

persons generally employed in Ihe civil wars. A 
multitude nr^ade up of such people is always tickle, 
inflaranoatory, outrageous, vindictive, and burning with 
annbition to level all distinctions. 

It is not a conimon case, that the most valuable 
members of society emigrate. As it was in the days 
of David, whosoever was in del)t, or discontented, 
or in distress, fled to the cave of Adullam, and by 
that means, his army grew apace ; so it generally is 
in cases of emigration. Though many worthy charac- 
ters are found in so great an emigration, as has been 
to this country, yet, for the most part, they are poor, 
distressed, overwhelmed with calamities, discontent- 
ed, oppressed by the tyranny of their government 
sometimes, but more commonly, by their own vices 
or imprudence. 

The people of every country are the most suitable 
to govern their own country. Could Pitt and Fox 
be restored to life, they would not make good legis- 
lators in America. If, indeed, in a (cw illustrious 
instances, it would answer, as there is no general rule 
without exceptions, yet the principle here laid down, 
is certainly correct. In whatever country, foreign- 
ers interfere with government, the tendency of that 
interference is a change either for better or for 
worse ; and the tendency of changes, especially when 
the eifect of blind causes, is but too well known. 

The frame of our government is probably as fault- 
less, as can he expected in this imperfect world.* Its 
ultimate success must then depend upon its being 
wisely administered. Relative to that article, our 
security lies in our elections. As, in our form of 
government, the right of suffrage is among the most 
important of civil rights, it should be preserved in- 
violate ; but it should be guarded with the severest 
Caution. Foreigners, who arrive in this country, 
seldom come with an expectation of becoming legis- 

* It is to be hoped, that vast improvements are yet to be made 
in the science of government. — Ed. 



GOVERNMENT. 203 

lators here. Their confidence in our government 
probably brought them hither, where they ought not 
to hope for more, than complete security of life, lib- 
erty and property. More than such security would, 
in the end, work injury to themselves. 

To illustrate the subject, we will state an extreme 
case. We will suppose the government of the United 
States wholly given into the hands of strangers and 
foreigners. An arrangement of this nature, every 
one must see, would, by completely ruining the coun- 
try, ruin all it contains, foreigners as well as citizens. 
From this, to descend to a case of a much lower na- 
ture, we win only suppose, that every foreigner, on 
his arrival, or soon after, should be vested with some 
office of government. From such a provision, two 
great evils would arise : first, strangers would flock 
to our shores in swarms and clouds, like the locusts 
of Egypt; nor would they all be of the most meritori- 
ous class: and secondly, the offices filled by these 
people, would generally be wretchedly discharged. 
They would have neither the ability nor the disposi- 
tion to discharge their duty, according to our notions 
of duty : nor would it remedy the difficulty, should it 
be granted, that their notions were more correct 
than ours. 

From both of the preceding cases, which are more 
or less extreme, we will now descend to the thing, as 
it is. Every foreigner, soon after his arrival in our 
country, by a course neither circuitous, expensive, 
nor long, becomes a citizen in the fullest sense. He 
is one of the sovereign people of this country — is an 
elector, and eligible to many offices. He immedi- 
ately becomes a politician — is profound in the science 
of government — is able to set all things right. From 
his cradle, his ideas of law and government have 
been closely associated with the most direful images 
of fear, terror and resentment ; and he views liberty 
as some wild, enchanting mountain nymph, roving 
through fields spread wide and adorned with flowers. 



204 GOVERNMENT. 

With these views of law and liberty, he sets himself 
indefatigably at work, to mend the course of things. 
He declaims against oppression, flames with zeal for 
liberty, and seldom fails to be at the head or tail of 
innovation and reforai, perhaps of insurrection. 

It is woi^lhy of remark, that emigrants from Eu- 
rope are from a more advanced state of society, than 
is generally found in this country; or, at least, an 
older state. It thence happens that many of them, 
even of the lowest grade, have a certain knowledge 
of mankind, the necessarj result of nrjingling with an 
immense mass of population. This knowledge, in- 
deed, is chiefly made up of vanity and vice^ but it 
helps them to great volubility of tongue, smartness of 
reply, and a seeming knowledge of things, which, 
handed out on all occasions, readily sets many peo- 
ple to staring at them as something extraordinary. 
For this very reason^ many of them vulgarly pass for 
people of great information, especially in the circu- 
lating politics of the day ; of course they are pushed 
forward into offices of considerable responsibility. 

The republic of Athens guarded the avenues to cit- 
izenship with great strictness. With them, foreign- 
ers could only become citizens in their great grand 
children. Their policy, in this respect, seemed not 
only safe, but necessary. Their state was so small, 
that, could foreigners have gained admittance, they 
would soon have outnumbered them. It is as dan- 
gerous to be outwitted, as outnumbered ; and it would 
be the true policy of the United States to admit no 
foreigner ever lo tlie right of suffrage. No person 
should hereafter become a citizen, but by being born 
within the United Slates. 

Far be it, that this rule should extend to the dis- 
franchising of such, as have by any means already 
obtained citizenship. Many of them came among 
us, when their arrival was fortunate for us, and it 
should certainly prove so to them. Their presence 
gave countenance^ and their assistance strength. But 



GOVERNMENT. 205 

those days are past ; and a similar occasion will 
never return. 

Let foreigners find in this country an asylum of 
rest, an escape from oppression. Here let them buy, 
and build, and plant; let them spread and flourish, 
pursuing interest and happiness in every mode of 
life which enterprise can suggest, or reason justify; 
hut let them be exonerated from the toils of govern- 
ment. We do not need their hands to steady the ark» 
If we make good laws, they will share the benefit; 
if bad ones, the blame will not be theirs. Let their 
children, born among us, become citizens by birth- 
right. 

POPULAR ELECTIONS. 

In elective governments, the most important point 
to be settled is, who shall have the right of suffrage? 
who shall be the electors? Surely, if this right were 
always to be exercised by wise and virtuous men, 
none but such would be chosen into office. But 
where the power to choose is lodged in bad hands, 
it is probable that bad men will be chosen. Hence 
the old but true maxim., that the happiness of 
elective governments depends on the virtue of the 
people. 

The conduct of the people of the United States, 
hitherto, has been such, as will entitle fhem to the 
character of a Avise and virtuous people ; with, per- 
haps, some small deductions. Could it be relied on, 
that we should always remain as virtuous, as we now 
are, and perhaps a little more so, it must be granted, 
that the right of suffrage was put into exactly the 
right hands. Let us indulge the pleasing hope, that, 
as a nation, we shall not remain stationary in our 
present attainments of political virtue, but shall con- 
tinually progress in the same, and also in knowledge, 
till we shall become, to a man, a nation of patriots 
and statesmen. 



206 GOVERNMENT. 

In spite of the most flattering hopes, considering 
the various means, by which the number of citizens 
is daily and rapidly increased, it must be allowed to 
be possible, that the people of this country will grow 
far more corrupt. They certainly have the common 
inducements and temptations to that end. If ever 
the people of any country were corrupted by an in- 
flux of foreigners of diiFerent habits, manners and 
customs, we are in danger: If a sadden increase of 
wealth, luxury, effeminacy, extravagance and dissi- 
pation, ever corrupted ai^y nation, we are in danger. 
If it is possible for artful and designing men to assail 
the virtues of the lower class of people, to palm their 
ambitious schemes upon the unwary, to impose upon 
ignorance and simplicity, we are in danger. 

The causes of public corruption and national de- 
pravity^, at first, are slow, and work unseen. They 
begin to operate by insensible degrees; and are al- 
ways perceived least by that part of the community, 
on whom their operation is most fatal. If such'causes 
exist in this country, however much the good sense 
and virtue of the people may retard their operation 
for a while, yet they may at length produce their 
utmost effects; for the same causes, under similar 
circumstances, will infallibly produce the same ef- 
fects. 

When that time shall come, (and it may prove to 
be a very distant day,) our elections will, in some 
degree, resemble those of ancient Rome, in the latter 
stages of the republic, when Cesar relied chiefly on 
an armed force, which he knew to be devoted to his 
interest, when Pompey sought the favor of the peo- 
ple by popular laws, and when the opulent Crassus 
sought the same, by making dinners and various 
donations to a rabble, consisting of half a million of 
people. 

The right of sufl'rage, in the hands of a multitude 
of ignorant, indigent and vicious men, is but another 
name for throwing the whole number of their votes 



GOVERNMENT. 207 

in favor of any artful, aspiring demagogue, v. ho will 
purchase them at the highest price. Nor are they, 
indeed, very costly, being purchased for the most 
part, with empty flattery, and false promises. The 
celebrated Crassus was probably the most liberal 
purchaser of popular favor, to be found in the annals 
of history. He supported the poor of Rome at his 
own expense, for about nine months. It must have 
cost him ten millions of dollars, according to the pre- 
sent value of specie. The most unlucky part of the 
business was, that the rabble, after they had eaten 
up all he could well spare, in a most ungrateful man- 
ner forsook him for Pompey, who only tickled their 
ears with handsome speeches ; and Pompey they as 
soon forsook to gaze on the military splendor of 
Cesar. Cesar was far too generous and magnanimous. 
They presently put him aside, and received in his 
place a stern, profound and artful tyrant, under whom 
they humbly kissed the rod, and lay down to their 
burdens for ever. 

If popular favor is somelinies cheaply purchased, 
it nevertheless always costs more than it is worth. 
For what is it? To answer this question, we need 
the pen of Shakspeare, who has given us a definition 
of the word honor. It is an hour, or a day, or a 
month's existence in the blasting, pestiferous breath 
of folly and falsehood. The favorite name undulates 
in air to-day with boisterous acclamations of praise; 
to-morrow with hideous imprecations and deadly 
curses ; and, at all times, with grosser fumes, than 
float around the table of the gods, after quaffing 
deeply of their immortal nectar. Yet demagogues, 
in every age, have made this same popularity their 
supreme deity : and many, poor souls ! who could 
not give what Crassus gave to purchase it, have 
given more — viz. their character, integrity, and 
conscience : at least, should character, integrity, and 
conscience be thought worth more than ten millions 
of dollars; of which probably, some may doubt. 



208 GOVERNMENT. 

Should the time ever arrive, when there shall be 
an immense multitude of people in the United States, 
and especially about the great cities, whose indigence 
shall render them easily assailable by bribes, dona- 
tions and largepses-^whose peculiar circumstances 
shall render them actually dependant on the rich and 
enterprising, and whose habits of life and thinking 
shall render them promptly subservient to the views 
of artful and ambitious men, at least by suffrage, if 
not by arms ; it must be granted that at such a time, 
and under such circumstances, the right of suffrage 
will certainly give that class a weight in government, 
to which they are by no means entitled, upon any 
principle of equity,, rational freedom, or public safety. 
Is not that time already come ? It has come; but it 
never will be past.* The evident symptoms, by 
which its arrival is indicated, will never slacken their 
urgency, but will gain strength with our population, 
from year to year. 

To determine, who shall have the right of voting 
in a popular government, is not among the smallest 
difficulties. No line of qualifications can be drawn, 
free from objection or embarrassment. If a plan 
could be devised, which would recognise the rights 
of each individual, and afford complete security to 
the public, that would be the one to be preferred. 
If that is not attainable, the nearest approximation 
to it must be sought. In a country like the United 
States, where the landed interest is by far the most 
important, where land is very plenty, and very cheap, 
landed property should, beyond doubt, be made a 
qualification necessary to the right of suffrage. No 
person should be allowed to act as an elector, even of 

* In the blessed day, wliei all shall knotjj the Lord from the 
least unto the greatest y there wiU be no class of people, who, from 
indigence or any other cause, will be " easily a saiitible by bribes, 
donations and lar^sses.'* Thoui^^h Mr. Whelp't^) certainly be- 
lieved and rejoiced in the doctrine of the Ml'.unnium, he seems 
to have sometimes lost sight of tkis glorious and delightful doc- 
trine. — £tj>. 



GOVERNMENT. 200 

a state representative, but such as possessed real or 
landed property. A regulation of this nature exists 
in some of the states. Its happy influence is appar- 
ent, and will be more so. Those states,* from that 
very cause, will preserve their liberties longer than 
any other part of the union. 

The right of suffrage thus guarded, it must be con- 
fessed, that in a few instances, injustice would seem 
to be the consequence. It would exclude some from 
voting — some who are certainly very amiable and 
useful members of society : but cases of this nature 
would be rare ; and much rarer, than might be ex- 
pected from a slight view of the subject. If it ex- 
cluded a few wortiiy persons, it would at least exclude 
a thousand to one, who are certainly unworthy. 

It should be rennembercd, that every person in this 
country, possessing property, of whatever description, 
might easily possess land. The popular objection to 
the measure, that it would disfranchise the mercan- 
tile interest, is certainly void of foundation. Mer- 
chants have property, and, if for no other reason, 
they might purchase land, in order to comply with 
a regulation, founded in the strongest reasons. The 
great body of those utterly unable to possess land are 
persons, to whom the right of voting would absolute- 
ly be no privilege. As for property or character to 
defend, they have none. Generally of the lowest 
grades of intellect and information, they have no 
political theory to f^spouse, or errors to combat. 

These la>t observations apply exclusively to the 
lowest grade of people in and about great cities. In 
the country, every prudent, indu>trious man, knows, 
that he can, almost at his option, possess land. It is 
wiiliin his reach ; and the savings of a few years' 
industry will purchase him a decent little farm, at 
least as large as that of tlie great Cincinnatus. In 
the states above alluded to, where landed property is 

* It is most ardently hoped, that all the states will preserve 
their liberties forever. — Ed. 
38 



210 GOVERNMENT. 

made requisite to the elective franchise, prodigious 
benefits are found to result fronn the regulation, to 
the people themselves. It stimulates them to seek 
and acquire real property. A man there disdains 
the idea of not being a freeholder. He immediately 
sets himself about purchasing a little land. Ambition 
spurs him on. He saves every shilling, till he attains 
to the darling object. By the time he has paid for 
his little farm, his habits of industry and economy are 
confirmed. He then enlarges his views — strides af^ 
ter, and is (generally speaking) successful in acquir^ 
ing, a handsome properly. The principle here ad^j 
vocated, becomes in this way, a source of noble ambi- 
tion, virtuous habits, and real felicity to thousands. 

If multitudes, swarming about great cities, and more 
thinly scattered through every part of the country, 
form a numerous class, to whom the right of suflfrage 
cannot possibly be any privilege, their holding and 
exercising that right will be attended with deplorable 
and incalculable evils to that class, to whom the right 
is most dear and sacred. Enterprising and ambitious 
men, who know their own utter dereliction of all 
principle, and their exclusion from the walks of honor 
and virtue, well know, that these people have no minds 
of their own. They will be perpetually intriguing 
among them. They will not fail to condense and 
concentrate their otherwise scattered opinions, and 
throw ail their weight into one scale. It is needless 
to say what scale that will be. The intriguing and 
ambitious, knowing how impossible it is, and will 
ever be, for themselves to rise by merit, have their 
eye constantly upon this class of people as the true 
source of their elevation to power. 

It is time the people of this country were made 
sensible of their danger. Their progress in the path 
of corruption is rapid; and by holding the door to 
citizenship so wide, and making the elective franchise 
so cheap, they invite all strangers, and allure all the 
ouLca;5t3 of fortune's children to hover upon our 



CONCLUSION. 211 

coasts, like a cloud of harpies ; jea, to plunge into 
our public affairs, to put shoulder to the wheel and 
push us on to destruction. 

The rage of office and the spirit of electioneering 
have made no small progress ; but more or less of 
those evils must always be expected to accompany 
the privileges of a free and popular government. It 
is doubtless tlie highest wisdom of every American 
to endeavor to give stability to our present frame of 
government, and perpetuity to our national union ; 
to strive to moderate the passions and harmonize the 
jarring interests of parties. And much is to be hoped 
for from the wisdom and virtue of tlie American peo- 
ple. A storm seems to be gati^ering at a distance; 
we know not where it will fall. It, therefore, be- 
comes all the friends of their country to he circum» 
spcct, wise, firm and united. 

CONCLUSION. 

Thus have we attempted to delineate the great 
line of history. Beginning with the infancy of our 
race, we have seen the world overspread with people, 
divided' into numerous nations and languages. W^» 
have seen the mighty fabiic of social, political asid 
religious order, rising by degrees, assuming various 
forms, diffusing its benign influence over mankind, 
and descending down through all ages, with addi- 
tional improvements, to our own times. Having trac- 
ed but a single lisie through Vlie immensity of human 
concerns, we have left, on each hand of our course, 
extensive fields unexplored. To them, we now re- 
commend the young reader to turn his attention ; with 
an assurance, that he will receive the riclicst remu- 
neration for his labors. 

Having arrived at our own times, we have adven- 
tured a transient glance at the present state of our 
species in the world. VVc are compelled to say, that 
tlie prospect over Asia and Africa is gloomy — over 



213 USES OF HISTORY. 

Europe it is doubtful, and, on the whole, we both see 
and feel numerous reasons of gratitude to Divine 
Providence, who has cast our lot in this highly fa- 
vored land. 



THE IMPORTANCE OF HISTORICAL 
KNOWLEDGE. 

WHETHER we regard profit or pleasure, historical 
knowledge is of use. As history abounds with beau- 
ty, novelty and grandeur, it opens various sources of 
pleasure to the imagination ; and as it brings up be- 
fore us transactions numerous, past, and distant, it as- 
sists experience, by presenting, in one view, the causes 
and consequer.ces of great events. 

The life of one man is far too sliort, and the sphere 
of his observation too small, to acquire an adequate 
knowledge either of what is, what has been done, or 
what is now doing in the world ; but as there is a 
certain uniformity in human character and action, 
we may, with a degree of safety, judge of the future 
by the past and present.* The tendency of certain 
things to the happiness of nations, and the reverse — 
the origin and progress, the wane and dissolution of 
empires, can only be discovered by the light of his- 
tory ; nor is there any natural light, by which w^ 
can more clearly see the influence of character, 
morals, art and science, on the happiness of man. 

At what period of life, the study of history should 
commerce, is a point which remains unsettled. Per- 
haps no subject of equal literary importance has been 
less regarded, less systematized or less pursued^ than 
the study of history. It has hardly been considered 
as a part of education, either liberal or professional, 
and, for the most part becomes a hyc-business, defer- 
red till late, sacrificed to inferior objects, or neglected 
altogether. A variety of facts lead us (o conclude, 

* It is very important, that in thus jiulc^ing-, we should make 
4ue aU9wance for change of circumstance!? «-r-F^D. 



USES OF HISTORY. 213 

it should be entered upon much earlier, than the com- 
mon practice points out. The body of history is 
simple narration ; a species of instruction adapted 
to the first openings of a young mind ; on which deep 
and strong impressions are easily made. It is a 
common thing to put children, at an early age, to 
learn the rules of arithmetic, the grammatical con- 
struction of language, or even the mathematical 
sciences ; which things are farther beyond the reach 
of their capacity than history, at the time — more 
difficult to be remembered, and of less importance. 

Battles and sieges, the strong lustre of great charac- 
ters, memorable events, irideed all the most promi- 
nent features of history, impress our minds with ex- 
traordinary pleasure or disgust, and commonly leave 
indelible marks, especially, if made while young. 
The histories of nations are, generally speaking, but 
the histories of men's passions delineated. For that 
reason, they strike deeper into the mind, move the 
passions more, and are longer felt, than cool, uriim- 
passioned reasonings, and curious speculations. 

A small acquaintance with the outlines of geogra- 
phy, seems the only pre-requisite to the study of his- 
tory.* The student should have some idea of the 
figure and motion of the earth, of the general divi- 
sions of land and water— the positions and extent 
of the continents, islands and oceans : and this is 
easily chained by a few short lessons on the globe. 

A habit of application is necessary, in order to 
make progress in any study, or to arrive at eminence 
in any sphere of life. Our most ardent endeavors 
should not be wanting; and when once this point is 
gained, the hill of science may be easily ascended. 
Having sufficiently glanced over the main tract, the 

* Some acquaintance with numbers seems necessary, in order 
to understand geography. xAnd there is no doubt, that Arithme- 
tic, if properly taught, may be delightfully instilled inlo the ten- 
der mind. The student should also be acqusinted with maps, 
and consult them, as he proceeds in history, hi order to do this 
with advantage, he should know something of Geometry.— Ed. 
38* 



214 USES OF HISTORY* 

student may then return, and be directed in reading 
a regular course of ancient history. 

Knowledge of history strongly inculcates the pre- 
ference of virtue to vice, and the folly of human . 
ambition. We there learn, that men, elevated on the 
summit of earthly glory, are less safe, and far less 
happy, than those in the humbler walks of life. The 
historian can compare the modes of life, the customs 
of different ages and countries, and tlie eftbcts of dif- 
ferent religions and governments on his species; a 
study which tends to t'ree the mind from bigotry and 
superstition; and in such a mighty course of events, 
makes a man feel his weakness and insignificance. 
By the light of history, human atfairs rpsemble a 
stormy sea. They foam and ri^gQ under the dire 
agency of tremendous passion?, though subject to the 
higher control of Almighty power. All fiuman in- 
stitutions are seen mouldering away; and the works 
of art, however solid, beautiful or grand, eith(,':r by 
the ravages of time or the blind fury of mortals, all 
perish. These views diminish self-importance, and 
leave the mind to seek higher grounds of confidence 
and hope. 

The liglit of history unveils many characters ; it 
discloses the features of the ambitious tyrant and as- 
piring demagogue, the masked hypocrite, the stern 
bigot and subtle politician. True history is a gem 
of inestimable value. It seems almost to remedy the 
defects of human foresight. We there learn, how 
short-sighted many legislators have been in promul- 
gating laws, utterly inconsistent with the good of so- 
ciety : for while the statesman, in the busy scenes of 
life, is bewildered in the ambiguity of probable effects, 
and, like a pilot, who cannot feel his helm, cannot 
fliscern the drift of empire, the historian, calmly 
seated in the shade of contemplation, lifts his perspec- 
tive, begins at the spring, and carefully traces the 
tortuous course of governments and empires, sees 
ihem, like a river, dashing over precipices, majesti- 



USES OF HISTORY. 215 

cally rolling through plains, or disappearing in the 
ocean. 

Having travelled in thought over these extensive 
and diversified fields, he returns to the occurrences of 
his own time, matured with the experience of ages, 
furnished with principles and remarks drawn from 
the sublimest exhibitions of virtue, contrasted with 
every thing hateful in the human character. In walk- 
ing among the sepulchres of empires, he sees hung 
up, as beacons, the catastrophies of all ancient gov- 
ernments : he beholds, wiih emotions of wonder, 
pity ai^d dread ; and sometimes weeps over the in- 
evitable destiny of human institutions. 1 hese views 
at once expand and cniich the soul, which feels a 
mournful, but subijime pleasure, in tracing the vestiges 
of exalted virtue among the monuments of antiquity. 

The statesman, politician and legislator will de- 
rive essential benefit from the knowledge of history : 
since it is there alone, he can trace the origin and 
operation, and, of course, the excellencies and defects 
of the various forms of government. From the 
grand monarchies of Cyrus, Alexander and Cesar, 
he may pass down to those of China, Turkey and 
Russia, as they now are ; or from the republics of an- 
cient, to those of modern times. He may compare the 
vices of great, with those of small, states; and espe- 
cially, he may contrast the virtues of rising, with the 
vices of declining, states. The important conclusions, 
he will be able to draw from these comparisons, will 
form a counterpart to the pleasures he will deiive 
from a review of those sublime fields of knowledge. 

The statesman, who is acquainted with the history 
of nations and governments, will penetrate the false 
glosses, which sophistry can give to visionary theo- 
ries. Far other motives, than the charm of novelty, 
will be necessary to induce him to put the welfare of 
his country at hazard, on the doubtful issue of ex- 
periments. His experience is matured by the wis- 
dom of ages ; and with him, all the various expedients 



216 USES OF HISTORY. 

of artful, ambitious and aspiring men, are so perfectly 
comprehended and seen through, that they are even 
become trite or thread-bare : he has often seen them 
acted over — oflen detected, often despised. 

The philosopher, whose ruling propensity is the 
love of truth and knowledge, finds perpetual gratifi- 
cation in the pages of history. With pleasure he 
traces the streams of science from their first fountains. 
If his benevolent sensibilities are often pained, he is 
more than compensated by viewing the stupendous 
wheel of human affairs rolling through all ages ; and 
if" The proper study of mankind is man," the history 
of nations is the book comprehending that important 
science 5 and without the reading of which, a man 
must always remain a child. History and philosophy 
are auxiliaries to each other in expanding and en- 
riching the mind. For, while the former presents 
before us innumerable shades of character, innumera- 
ble minds acting under the influence of various pro- 
pensities, while all human concerns, from those of 
the humble shepherd, to those of the universal mon- 
arch, there solicit our attention, invite our esteem 
and challenge our admiration, philosophy conducts 
us to some commanding eminence, and bids us take a 
view of the universe. There an expanse opens 
which no imagination can compass. Through the 
illimitable tracts of space, we contemplate worlds of 
light profusely, yet permanently planted ; their num- 
bers incalculable, and their distances inconceivable. 
There globes roll around us, in comparison with 
whichv our earth diminishes as it were to nothing. 
Man is but "an atom of an atom world;" and the 
generations of six thousand years, to beings of 
superior natures, appear like the successive tribes 
of insects, which, in the morning, sport on the sur- 
face, and, ere sunset, are lost in the bosom of the 
troubled lake. 

The philosopher, so far from envying the proud 
monarchs of the earth, looks on them as objects of 



CfSES OF HISTORY. A^ 217 

pity : and is so far from coveting a share of tbeir 
glory, that he can only desire them to ''stand from 
between him and the sun."* 

History affords many considerations calculated to 
confirm the faith and strengthen the hopes of the 
Christian. To say nothing of the fulfilment of scrip- 
lure prophrcie?, concerning the ancient monarchies 
and Jewisli and Christian churclies, history in gene- 
ral shew?, that man's character, in ail ages has been 
uniform ; that he is a depraved creature ; and may 
convince us, that if he ever rises from this depraved 
and selfish state, it must be by other means than his 
own exertions. It uniformly corroborates the idea, 
that as sin and misery, so virtue and happiness are 
connected ; and hence wc infer the excellency of 
virtue, and the turpitude of vice. 

A careful attention icrthe general course of events^ 
as related in history, will strengthen the mind to the 
belief in a wise, powerful, overruling and universal 
Providence. Whoever looks upon the workmanship 
of a clock, will acknowledge it to be the work of de- 
sign ; and so will he who observes the rcvohitions of 
the heavenly bodies, the change of the seasons, the 
mechnnism of an animal body, or even the strucluro 
of any of its particular parts, as an eve or an ear. 
But in no part of nature is an overruling power more 
clearly seen than in the origin, the rise, the pros- 
perity, the decline and fall of a nation : and, by a 
due attention to tliese things, we may discover the 
wisdom, justice, and goodness of Divine Providence, 

Every member of a free^ enlightened republic, 
should, by all means, read history. In a nation 
where popular opinion must be the supreme arbiter, 
of what immense importance is it, that that opinion 
should be corrected by wisdom and experience ; 
otherwise the political vessel will wander wide upon 

* When Alexander inquired what he could do to* oblige Dio- 
genes, •• Stand irom between me ami the sun," said the philosg- 
pii^r. — Ec, 



218 ^1^ USES OF HISTORY. 

tempestuous seas, and be lost amoDg rocks and whirl- 
pools. 

The study of history is peculiarly adapted to the 
minds of youth. In that period of life, the intellectual 
powers are expanding, the passions taking direction, 
and the character is rapidly forming. In that season 
of improvement, emulation and hope, a habit of 
reading should be formed ; and care should be taken, 
that the taste be not vitiated and rendered wavering 
by the prevalence of any species of reading, which 
leaves it flighty and capricious. Alas! how many 
of the days and years of youth are wasted without 
improvement — are utterly lost to every valuable and 
every noble purpose ! We too seldom begin to think,^ 
till we are incapable of action. The whole season 
of youth, in the greater number of instances, is so 
passed away, as to draw after it an age barren of 
knowledge and virtue, a bleak and comfortless season 
of care, decrepitude and sorrow ! Such is the per- 
verseness in many, that they will not be instructed by 
the experience of others. — Youth will not derive im- 
provement from age, in those points most interesting 
and important. 

Although the present design is to urge the impor- 
tance of historical information, yet many of the same 
arguments apply with equal force to general reading. 
Such as have opportunity, (and that number is larger 
than is generally thought,) should read many things 
besides history. 

Theological reading, which certainly should be- 
gin* with the Bible, is very important. A thorough 
acquaintance with religious doctrines deeply con- 
cerns the welfare of all mankind. It is astonishing 
to see the ignorance of many persons on these sub- 
jects. They have, perhaps for many years, enjoyed 
advantages of religious instruction, but have never 

* It is no^ less certain, that theological reading should proceed 
and end with the Bible ; though not to the exckision of othep 
books.— Ed. 



USES OF HISTORY. 219 

used them to any effect. The being and perfections 
of God; the innmortality of the soul ; an endless state 
of rewards and punishments ; a change so amazing 
as that of death ; the unknown realities of the coming 
world ; in short, tlic immensity of God's kingdom 
and government ; the infinitely varied works of crea- 
tion ; and what man is to himself as a conscious 
being; are objects, which seem to call for the utmost 
exertion of all our intellectual powers. To survey, 
to inquire, to learn, and to know, in the midst of a 
world of such wonders, demands man's noblest facul- 
ties, and certainly furnishes for them the noblest em- 
ployment. 

But the disease of our race seems to be stupidity. 
Many, too many, plod on through life, thinking only 
of the present. They scarcely send forward a 
thought into futurity, till they come upon the brink 
of the precipice, and it is then too late, even to ac- 
quire any settled opinions, or make any preparations. 
A life of the most extreme thoughtlessness, is closed 
with a few hours of gloomy, intense, ineffable anxiety 
and horror. 

True religion, as appertaining to the mind, consists 
in just views and virtuous dispositions. Its genuine 
tendency is to lend men to the most careful discharge 
of the duties of life. But it does? not slop here. It 
awakens in a man a due sense of his various relations 
to things temporal and things eternal. It holds up to 
his understanding, a superior light, whereby he per- 
ceives clearly, that his best inheritance is in his im» 
mortal state. In firm expectation and confidence of 
future happiness, he is resigned to the course of 
Providence, and waits patiently the consummation of 
his hopes. 

The propensity, prevalent in the human mind to 
neglect religious studies, extends to the neglect of all 
mental cultivation ; and it is no uncommon thing for 
people to nt'glect their minds altogether. Aujong 
the eastern nations, there are some w^ho regard reK- 



220 USES OF HISTORY. 

gion in the light we do the study of law or physic ; 
that is, an occupation to be followed by a certain 
class of men. if, instead of the word religion, we 
substitute the phrase, cultivation of the mind^ such a 
class may be found almost any where, even in our 
own country. They complain that they have no 
time ; that they are pressed by business. How many 
hours in the day do they attend to business ? How 
do they employ their evenings ? How do they spend 
the Sabbath? The fact is, they have too much time. 
It hangs, a dead weight, upon tlieir hands. Their 
business, except in a few extreme cases, is shorter, by 
several hours, than tlie day. Their dull, insipid even- 
ings are dozed away in a vacuity of thought. Per- 
haps they saunter to a neighbor's house, where their 
conversation is of too trivial, and absurd a nature to 
admit of being specified in a serious discourse ; or 
perhaps they fall upon some amusement for the ex- 
press purpose of killing time, as some are pleased to 
style it : or, in other words to pass away the evening, 
and escape that distressing sense of solitude, which 
often seizes the vacant mind. 

Killing iitne ! " Time," says the poet, "• is the stuff 
that life is made of." To waste time, is to squander 
the main ingredient of life, one of the richest of 
heaven's blessings. O, righteous Heaven, remember 
it not against them in the great day of trial ! lest it 
swell the catalogue of their crimes beyond forgiveness. 
As for their Sabbaths, instituted for the benevolent 
purpose of suspending servile labor, and acquiring 
the knowledge of their Creator, they are slept or 
idled away : yet these people say that they have no 
time to devote to the improvements of the mind. 
One of the most important questions a man ran 
ask himself, is. How his time has been spent? To 
judge of its full import, let us consider what sensa- 
tions it will excite, when, with imperative tone, 
it shall obtrude itself upon him ia the hour of 
death. 



USES OF HISTORY. 221 

The most excellent and important of all books, is 
doubtless the Bible. It contains a glorious manifes- 
tation of God's character, perfections and govern- 
ment, together with the character, duty and obliga- 
tions of men, and the only way of life and salva- 
tion. It is the felicity of the present day, to possess 
not only this invaluable book, but to abound in reli- 
gious writings, of various descriptions, calculated to 
strengthen the faith, and cherish the virtues of the 
Christian. Books of this nature are indispensably 
necessary to a well chosen library. They abound in 
discourses, which will give li^ht, comfort and encour- 
ae^ement to a man, when all human sciences, even 
when all earthly things, however splendid and beau- 
tiful, are fading in his eye. 

That species of reading, next in importance to 
divinit}'-, is history. There are seen the rise and fall 
of states and empires. On one page is delineated 
the causes of their prosperity, and on another, of 
their decline. History represents the great concerns 
of nations in miniature. The picture is grand, but 
somewhat gloomy ; and the correspondent sensations 
in him who examines it, if at times elevated and 
delightful, will not fail to be shaded over with melan- 
choly, softened, however, by the distance, and ren- 
dered sublime by the magnificence and glory of the 
object. The historian, however long he walks under 
the embowering laurel and olive, must at length 
repose under the cypress shade. 



39 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 



CHRONOLOGY OF THE PATRIARCHS. 



B.C. 




B.C, 


and 


Birth of Isaac, . , 


. 189& 


. 4004 


Isaac marries Rebecca 


, . 1856 


. 3874 


Birth of Jacob, . . 


. 1836 


. 3769 


of Reuben, . . 


. 1771 


. 3679 


of Simeon, . . 


. 1770 


. 3609 


of Levi, . 


. 1769 


. 3544 


of Judah, . . 


. 1768 


. 3382 


of Dan, . . 


. 1767 


. 3317 


of Naphtali, . 


. 1765 


. 3130 


of Gad, . . 


. 1764 


. 2948 


of Asher, . . 


. 1762 


. 2448 


oflssachar, . 


. . 1757 


. 2445 


ofZebulon, . 


. . 1755 


. 2348 


of Joseph, 


. . 1745 


. 2345 


Jacob returns to Cant 


lan, 1739 


. 2311 


Birth of Benjamin, 


. . 1738 


. 2281 


Joseph sold into Egyp 


t, . 1728 


. 2247 


becomes minis 


ter of 


. 2217 


E-ypt, . 


. . 1715 


. 2185 


Birth of Manasseh, son of 


. 2155 


Joseph, . . . 


. 1712 


. 2126 


Birth of Ephraim, son of 


. 1996 


Joseph, 


. 1710 


. 1986 


Seven ye.irs"' fantine be 


-ins, 1708 


. 192! 


Jacob aiui famil3' go 


into 


I) I- am 


Egypt, .... 


. 1706 


p(, i9:o 


Birthof Aaron,sonof A 


lira m, 1574 


. 1910 


of Moses, son of A 


nram,157l 


. 1897 


Moses returns into Egypt, to 



CREATION of Adam and 

Eve, .... 
Birth of Seth, . . 

of Enos, . . 

of Cainan, . 

of Mahalalee], 

of Jared, . . 

of Enoch, 

of Methuselah, 

of Lamech, . 

of Noah, . . 

of Japheth, . 

of Shem, . . 

THF, FLOOD, . . 

Birth of Arphaxad, 

ofSalah, . . 

ofEber, . . 

of Peleg, . . 

of Ren, . 

of Serug, . . 

ofNahor, 

ofTerah, 

of Abrara, 

of Sarah, . . 
Call of Abram, 
Eamine in Canaan— Ai 

and liOt go into Ec: 
Birth of Ishmael, . '" 
Sodtnn consunic-d, . 
Circumcision erliiblished, 1897i deliver the Hebre\ 



1491 



GOVx'^.PwNORS AND JUDGES* OF THE ISRAELITES. 



B.C. 

Moses, 1491 

Joshija, 1451 

Othniel, 1405 



Ehud, 

!)v;borah 

Gideon. 



md Barak 



B.C. 
1325 
1285 
1245 



* It is extrcmp.ly diiricnlt. to trace the chronologry of this pf;rlod. Indeed most of 
ihf. dates are stiil nn-'.ertaui, and probs.bly incorrect; but it is hoped, that none '•>lr 
them are very fiip frou) tl^e trut^.— ^rf 



224 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 



B.C. 

Abimelech, 1236 

Tola, 1232 

Jair, n-^g 

Jephthah, 1139 

Ib^au, , 1133 



Klon, . . . , 
Abdon, . 
Sam?on born, 
Eli, Judge, . , 
Samuel, Judge, 



B.C. 
1126 
1116 
1157 
1181 
1141 



CHRONOLOGICAL REGAL TABLES. 



B.C, 
KINGS OF THE JEWS. 



1. Saul 

2. David and Ishbosheth, 

3. David alone, . . . 

4. Solomon, .... 



1095 
1055 
1047 
1015 
975 



KINGS OF JUDAH. 
Two Tribes. 

1. Rehoboam, .... 975 

2. Abijam, ..... 958 

3. Asa, 955 

4. Jehoshaphat, . . . 914 

5. Jehorara, 889 

6. Ahaziah, 885 

7. Athaliah, 884 

8. Joash, 87Ji 

9. Amaziah, 839 

10. Azariah, or Uzziah, . 810 

11. Jotham, 758 

12. Ahaz, 742 

33. Hezekiah, .... 727 

14. Manasseh, .... 698 

15. Amon, ..... 643 

16. Josiab, 640 

J7. Jehoahaz, . . . . 610 

18. Jehoiakim, .... 610 

19. Jchoiachin, .... 599 

20. Zedekiah, .... 599 

21. Nebuchadnezzar destroy- 
ed Jerusalem, .... 588 



KINGS OF ISRAEL. 

Ten Tribes. 

1. Jeroboam I. . . . . 975 

2, Nadab, .,.,,. 954 



3. Haasha, 

4. Elah, . 

5. Zixriri, 

6. Onjri, . 

7. Ahab, . 

8. Ahaziah, 



B.C. 

953 
930 
929 
925 
918 
897 



9. Jehoram, . . . . . 896 

10. Jehu, ,884 

11. Jeoahaz, 856 

12. Joash, 841 

13. Jeroboam II. ... 825 
Interregnum, 11^ years, 784 

14. Zachariah, .... 773 

15. Shallum, 772 

16. Menahem, .... 772 

17. Pekhiah, 761 

18. Pekah, 759 

19. Iloshea, 730 

•Shalmanezer, king of Assy- 
ria, destroyed the king- 
dom of Israel, . . . 721 

KINGS OF MEDIA. 

1. Dejoces, 709 

2. Phraortes, 656 

3. Cyaxares 1 634 

Scythians driven out, . 607 

Astyages, 595 

Cyaxares II. or Darius, 559 

KINGS OF ASSYRIA. 



Tiglath Pileser, called also 
Arbaces and Ninus Ihe 
younger, 747 

2. Shalmaneser, .... 728 

3. Sennacherib, .... 714 

4. Esarhaddon, .... 706 
Esarhaddon takes Babylon, 680 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 



225 



B.C. 
KINGS OF BABYLON. 



1. Nabonassar or Belesis, 

2. Nadins, . . . 

3. Cincertus, . . 

4. Jugeus, . . . 

5. Merodac Baladan, 

6. Arcianus, . . 
Interregnum, 

7. Belibus, . . . 

8. Apronadius, . . 

9. Regilibus, . . 

10. Mesessimordacus, 
Interregnum, 

11. Esarhaddon, . . 

12. Saosdnchinus, . 

13. Chyniladanus, . 

14. Nabopollasar, . 

15. Nebuchadnezzar, 

16. Evilmerodach, . 

17. Neriglissar, . 

18. Laborosoarchod, 

19. Belsliazzar, . . 
Babylon taken by Cyrus 



B.C. 

Psamniitichus, .... 670 

Necho, 616 

Psammis, 600 

Aprie?, or Hophra, . . . 594 

Amasis, 569 

Pfumminifus, .... 525 

Cr?;Tibyses conquers Egypt, 525 

Srnerdis, . . . . . . 523 

Darius Hystaspes, . . . 522 



747 
733 
731 
726 
721 
709 
704 
702 
699 
693 Xerxes 11. 



Xerxes the Great, 
Artaxerxes Longimanns, 



692 
688 
680 
667 
647 
625 
606 
561 
559 

555 
539 



KINGS OF THE PERSIANS. 

1. Cyrus, 537 

2. Cambyses, or Ahasuerus, 529 

3. Smerdis, or Artaxerxes, 523 

4. Darius I. son of Hystas- 

pes, 522 

5. Xerxes the Great, ., . 486 

6. Artaxerxes Longimanus, 465 

7. Xerxes II. . . , . 424 

8. Sogdianus, .... 424 

9. Ochus, or Darius Nothus, 424 
405 
339 
338 
336 
331 
324 



486 
465 
424 

Sogdianus, 424 

424 
413 
407 
401 
395 
389 
376 



Ochus 
Amyrteus, 
Pausiri?, 

Psanimitichus II, 
Nephereus, . 
Achoris, 
Psammuthis, . 



10. Artaxerxes Mnemon, 

11. Artaxerxes Ochus, 

12. Arses, 

13. Darius Codorannus, . 

14. Alexander the Great, 

15. Arideus, or Philip, 

KINGS OF EGYPT. 



Nectanebus, 375 

363 
361 
350 
338 
336 
331 
323 



Tachos, 

Nectanebus, .... 

Ochus conquers Egypt, 

:Arge5, 

Darius Codomanus, 
Alexander the Great, . 
Death of Alexander, . 

Ptolemy Soter, .... 304 
Ptolemy Philadelphus, . 285 
Ptolemy Euergetes, . . . 246 
Ptolemy Philopater, . . 221 
Ptolemy Epiphanes, . . 204 
Ptolemy Philometer, . . 180 
Ptolemy Physcou, or Euer- 
getes 11 145 

Ptolemy Soter II. or Lathy- 

rus and Cleopatra, . . 117 

Alexander and Cleopatra, 107 

Latliyrus alone, .... 89 

Berenice, 80 

Alexander, 80 

Pfolemy Aulefe?, ... 6^ 



Sabacon, or So, .... 728 

Sevechus, 719 

Tirhakah, 705 

Anarchy, 687 

Twelve confederate Princes, 685 
39* 



Ptolemy Dionysii;s, anii Cle- 
opatra, 51 

Ptolemy the Younger, and 
Cleopatra, 47 

Egypt becomes a Roman 
province, 30 



226 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES* 



B.C. 

KINGS OF SYRIA. 

Seleucns I. Nicator, . . . 312 
Antiochus I. Soter, . . . 279 
Antiochus II. Theiis, . . 261 
Seleucus II. Calliiiicus, . 246 
Seleucus III. Ceraiinns, . 225 
Antiochus 111, 1 he Great, 222 
Seleucus IV. Philopater, . 186 
Antiochus IV. Epiphancs, 175 
Antiochus V. Eupator, . 164 
Demetrius I. Soter, . . . 162 
Alexander I. Balas, . . . 150 
Demetrius II. Nicator, . . 145 
Antiochus VI. Theus, . . 144 
Diodotus, or Tryphon, . 143 
Antiochtis Sidete?, . . . 139{ 
Demetrius II. Nicator, re- 
established, .... 130 
Alexander II. Zebina, . . 126 

Seleucus V 124 

Antiochus VIII. Gripu-^, . 123 

Seleucus VI. Nicator, . . 97 

Philip, 93 

Tigranes, ,..«.. 83 
Syria becomes a P«,onjan pro- 
vince, 63 



A.c; 

Judea becomes a Roman pro- 
vince, 8 



B.C. 



KINGS OF ROME. 



1. Romulus, 75' 

Romulus assassinated in 



the senate. 



716 



PRINCES OF JUDEA 
Calltd the Maccabees^ or »^smo- 
nean Princts, 

1. Judas Maccabeus s;reat, 

great grandson of As- 
moneus, 166 

2. Jonathan, 160 

3. Simon 143 

4. John Hyrcanus, . . . 135 



KINGS OF JUDEA 



1. Aristobolus, . . 
.2. Alexander Janneu? 

3. Alexandra, . . 

4. Hyrcaitus, . . 

5. Aristobolus, 
Hjrcanus again, 

6. Antigonus, . . 

7. Herod the Great, 

8. Archelaus, . . 



Interregnum of one year, 716 

Numa Pompilius, . . 715 

Tullus Hosliiius, ... 672 

4. Ancus Marlins, . . . 640 

5. Tarquin, the Elder, . . 616 

6. Servius Tullius, ... 578 

7. Tarquin, the Proud, . 534 
Last king ot" the Roman.-', 

expelled. 



ROMAN EMPERORS, 

Julius Cesar* becomes mas- 
ter of Rome, .... 48 
Slain in the Senate house, . 44 

Anarchy, 44 

Augustus, 30 

A.C. 

Tiberius, 14 

Caligula, 37 

Claudius, 41 

.\ero, 54 

Galba, 6^ 

Otho, 69 

Vitellius, 69 

Vei-pasian, ...... 70 

Titus, 79 

Doriiitian, 81 



10 

106 
79 
70 
70 
63 
40 
37 
3 



Nerva, 96 

Trajan, 98 

Adrian, 117 

Antoninus Pius, .... 138 
Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, 

and Lucius Verus, . . . 161 
Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, 

alone, 170 

Commodus, 180 

* Julius Cesar is sometimes, though not 
generally, reckoned amoDg the Roman 
emperors. ^ ■ 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 



227 



DECLINE OF 



A.C 
THE EMPIRE 



193 
211 
217 

218 



Peitinax, 193 

Julian, 66 days, .... 193 
Septimius Severng, 
Caricalla and Geta, 
Macrinus, . 
Heliogabalus, . 
Alexander Severus 

Maximin, 235 

Gordian the Elder and his 

son, 337 

Maximus and Balbinus, . 237 
Gordian the Younger, . 238 
Philip and son, .... 244 

Decius, 249 

Hostilian, Gallus and Volu- 

sian, his son, .... 
Emelian, 3 months, . . 
Valerian and Gallienus his 

son, 

Gallienus* alone, 

Claudius II 268 

Quintilius, 17 days, . , 

Aurelian, 

lnterr«-gi)um of 8 months, 
Tacitus, 6 months, . . 
Florian, 3 months, . 



A.C. 

Constanfius and Constans, 340 

Constantius alone, . , . 350 

Julian, the Apostate, . . 361 

Jovian, 363 

Valentinean and Valens, . 364 

Division of the Empire, . 364 



Probrus, ...... 276,^!P^'^''^'°"^ 

c^ . o«^ Interregnum 



Carus, • 282 

Carinus and Nuraerian, . 283 
Carinus and Diocletian, . 284 
Diocletian alone, . . . 285 
Diocletian and Maximian, 286 
Constantius and Galerius, 305 
Constantine, Galerius and 

Maxentius, . . ; . . 306 
Six emperors, Maximian, 
Constantine, Maxentius, 
Galerius, Licinius and 

Maximin, 308 

Constantine and Licinius, 313 
Constantine alone, . . . 324 
Constantine II. Constantius 
II. and Constans, . . . 337 

* During: the reign of Gallienus, there 
were in different parts of the empire no 
less than 19 pretenders to the throne who 
•assumed the title of Emperor.— jErf. 



ROMAN EMPERORS OF THE 
WEST. 

Valentinean, 364 

Gratian and Valentinean II. 375 
Valentinean II. and Maxi- 
mus, 383 

Valentinean II. alone, , . 388 

Kugenius, 392 

Honorius,t ..... 395 

Valentinean III 425 

Pelronius Maximus, . • 455 

A Vitus, 455 

Interregnum, 456 

27Q|Majorian, 457 

Q^Q Severus, * 461 

^^^ Anlhemius, 467 

2^^ Olybrius, 7 months, . . 472 
ory- Julius rs'epos and Glycerius, 472 
^'^livT ,.„. ... 473 

. . . 474 
... 476 



251 

253 



253 

260 



•egnum, 
Augustuius, 



KINGS OF ITALY. 

Odoacer, 476 

Theodoric, 493 

Amalasontha and Athalaric, 526 

Theodatu?, 534 

Vifiges, 636 

Interregnum, 540 

Totila, 541 

Iiilerregnum, 552 

Tejas, 553 

End of Ihe Gothic kingdom 

in Italy, 553 

t Dnritij the rcijn of Honnrius. Rome 
was ravBared by the Goth, TMuric ; and 
several usurpers in diiferent parts of the 
enipire vrcre partially acknowledged, £rf. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 



A.C. 

ROMAN EMPERORS OF THE 
EAST. 

Valens, . 364 

Interrei!;nuin, 5 months, . 378 

Theodosius, the Great, . 379 

Arcadius, , 395 

Theodosius II. ... ] 408 

Marcian, 450 

Leo, the Great, .... 457 

Leo 11 . . 474 

Zeno, 474 Conslantine alone. 



Anastasius, 491 

Justin L 518 

Justinean, . r . . . . 527 

Justin H. ...... 565 

Justin IL and Tiberias U. 574 

Tiberias II. alone, . . . 578 

Maurice, 582 

Phocas, 602 

Heraclius, 610 

Heraclius, Constantine 111. 

and Heracleonas, . . 638 
Constantine 111. and IJerac- 

leojias, 641 

Constans II. .... . 641 

Constantine IV. Progonatus, 668 

Justinean II 685 

Leontius, 695 

Apsimar or Tiberius, 

Justinean II. again, . . • 705 

Philip Bardanes, . . . • 711 

Anastasius II. . , , . • 713 

Theodosius III . , . 716 

Leo III. the Isaurian, . . 718 

Constantine V. Copronyinus, 741 

Leo IV 775 

Constantine VL and Irene, 780 

Irene alone, 792 

Nicephorus 1 802 



A.C. 

Romanus I. Lecapenus, . 919 
Christopher, Stephen and 
Constantine VIII. were 
successively made empe- 
rors with their father Ro- 
manus. 
Constantrne VII. again, . 945 

Romanus II 959 

Nicephorus If. Phocas, . 963 

John Ziniisces, .... 969 

Basil il. and Constantine IX. 976 

1025 

1028 



Romanus III. Argyrus, . 
Michael IV. the Paphlago- 

nian, ...... 

Michael V. Calaphates, . 
Zoe and Theodora, two 

months, 

Constantine X. Monoma- 

chus, 

Theodora again, . . . 
Michael VI. Stratioticus, 
Isaac I Comnenus, . . 
Constantine XI. Uucas, . 

Eudocia, 

Romanus 111. Diogenes, . 
Michael VII. Andronicus I. 

and Constantine XII, . 
Nicephorus III Botan, . 
698 .Alexius I Comnenus, . . 
John Comnenus, . . . 
Manuel Comnenus, . . 
Alexius 11. Comnenus, . 
Andronicus Comnenus, . 
isaac II. Angelus, . 
Alexius Angelus, brother of 

Isaac, 

Isaac Angelus again, and 

his son Alexius, . . . 



Stauracius, 2 months. 



Michael 1 811 

Leo V. the Armenian, . . 8io 

Michael H. the Stammerer, 8.20 

Theophilus, 829 

Michael III 842 

Basil I. the Macedonian, . 867 

Leo VI. the Philosopher, . 886 
Alexander and Constantilie 

VIL . , 912 



81 1 Constantinople taken and 



pillajjed by the Latins, 1204 

Baldwin 1 1204 

Henry, 120& 

Peter de Courtenay, . . 1216 

Robert de Courtenay, . 1219 

Baldwin II 1228 

."Vlichael Paleologus, . . 1261 

Andronicus II. Paleologus, 1282 
ABdronicus 111. Paleologue^ 1332^ 



CHRONOLOUICAL TABLES. 



229 



A. C. 

1341 
1391 

1425 



John V. Paleologus, . . 

Manuel 11 Paleologus, 

John VI. Paleologus, . . 

Constantine XII. Paleolo- 
gus, 1448 

Constantinople taken by 
Mahomet II 1453 



While Constantinople was un- 
der the dominion of the Latins 
or French^ the follo7rinf; Greek 
emperors r tinned at Nice over Ihe 



remnant of the Greek empire. 

Theodorus Lascaris I. 

John III. Dncas, . . . 

Theodorus Lascaris II. 

John IV. Lascaris, . . . 

Constanople is taken from 
the French, and Michael 
Paleologus, a Greek, 
reigns over the whole 
empire 



EMPERORS OF GERMANY. 



800 

814 
840 
85; 
87i^ 



A. C. 

Frederic I. Barbarossa, . 1152 

Henry VI 1190 

Philip, 1197 

Otho IV 1208 

Frederic II 1212 

Conrad IV 1250 

Rodolj)h of ITapsburg, . 1273 

Adolphus of Nassau, . . 1292 

Albert of Austria, . . . 1298 
Henry VII. of Luxemburg, 1309 

Lewis V 1314 

Charles IV 1347 

Wenceslaiis, .... 1378 

Robert, Count Palatine, 1400 

Si2:ismund, 1411 

Albert II. of Austria, . . 1438 

ric III 1440 

Maximilian 1 1493 

Charles V 1519 

Ferdinand 1 1556 

[Maximilian II 1564 

Rodolph II 1576 

Mathias, ...... 1612 

Ferdinand II 1619 

Ferdinand III 1637 

Leopold 1 1G58 

Joseph 1 1705 

Cha-IesVI 1711 

Charles VII 1742 

Francis I. Duke of Lor- 
raine, 1745 

Joseph II 1765 

Leopold II 1790 

Francis II 1792 



1204 

1*^22 
l555|Fred 

1259 



1261 



Charlemagne, or Charles, 

the Great, 

Lewis, the Gentle, (Debon- 

naire,) 

Lothaire I 

Lewis II 

Charles, the Bald, . . . 

Interregnum, 877 

Charles, the Fat, ... 880 

Arnold, 888 

Lewis IV 899 

Conrad 1 911 

Henry, the Fowkr, . . . 919 
Otho, the Great, ... 936 
Olho 11. the Bloody, . . 973!Thierry, Childebert, Clodo- 

Otho III 983| mir and Clotaire I. . . 

Henry II the Lame, . . 1002|Clotaire alone, .... 

Conrad II 1024 Charibert, Gontran, Sigebert 

Henry III 1039| and Chilperic, . . . 562 

PlenrylV lOSGClotaire 11. King of Sois.«ons, 584 



KINGS OF FRANCE. 

/. Merovingian Race, 

Clovis, grandson of Mero- 
A'ius, 



486 

511 
559 



Henry V 1106 

Lothaire II 1125 

Conrad III 1137 



Thierry II. and Theodobert 
II. Kings of Paris, Burgun- 
dy and Austrasia, . . 596 



130 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 



A. C. 

Clotaire II. alone, ... 614 
Interregnum, .... 614 
Dagobert and Charibert, . 628 
Sigebert II. and Clovis II. 638 
Childeric 11. King of Austra- 
sja, ... r ... 654 

Thierry III 679 

Pepin* Heristel, Mayer of the 
Palace, governs France 24 

years 690 

Clovis HI 692 

Childebert HI. . . . . 695 
Dagobert III. . . . • 711 
Charles* Martel, son of Pe- 
pin, Ma3rer of the Palace 
and Dtike of France, gov- 
erns France about 26 

years, 714 

Childeric II. .... . 716 

Thierry IV 720 

Childeric III. .... 742 



II. CARLOVINGIAN RACE. 

Fepin, the Short, son of 

Charles Martel, ... 751 
Charlemagne and Carloman, 768 
Lewis, the Gentle, (Debon- 

naire,) 814 

Charles, the Bald, ... 840 
Lewis, the Stammerer, . 877 
Lewis III. and Carloman, 879 
Charles, the Gross, 

Endes, 

Charles HI. the simple, 
Robert, Usurper, . . 

Rodolnh 92ri 

Lewis IV. the Stranger, . 936 
Lothaire, ...... 954 

Lewis V. the Lazy, . . 986 



Henry I 

Philip I 

Lewis VI. the Gross, . 

Lewis VII 

Philip II. Augustus, . 
Lewis VIII. the Lion, 
Lewis IX. St. Lewis, 
Philip III. the Bold or 

dy, 

Philip IV. the Fair, 
f^ewis X. Hutin, . 
John I, 8 days, 
Philip V. the Long, 
Charles IV. the Fair, 



884 
888 

898 
922 



in. CAPETEAN RACE. 

Hugh Capet, Usurper, 
Robert, 



. A.C. 

. 1031 

. 1060 

. 1108 

. 1137 

. use 

. 1223 

. 1226 
Har- 

. 1271 

. 1285 

. 1314 

. 1316 

. 1316 

. 1322' 



IV. HOUSE OF VALOIS. 

Philip VL of Valois, . . 1328 
John II. the Good, . . 1350 
Charles V. the Wise, . 1364 
Charles VI. the Beloved, 1380 
Charles Vll. the Victorious, 1422 
Henry VI. of England, 
crowned at Paris, and 
partially acknowledged 
king of France, . . . 1430 

Lewis XI 1461 

Charles VIII. .... 1483. 
Lewis XII. Father of the 

People, .... '. 1498 
Francis I. the Gentleman, 1515 
Plenry 11. ..... 1547 

Francis II 1559 

Charles IX. the IJloody, 1560^ 
Henry III 1574 



V. HOUSE OF BOURBON. 



987 
996 



* Pepin and his son were not styled 
kings, though they exercised supreme au- 
thority ; Dor were tliey of the Merovin- 
rian race. 



Henry IV. the Great, 
Lewis XII L the Just, 
Lewis XIV. the Great, 

Lewis XV 

Lewis XVI. . , . \ 
deposed, 



1589 
1610 
1643 
1715 
1774 
1792 
1793 



executed, . . 

* * # # * * * 

Napoleon Bonaparte, em- 
peror, 

Lewis XVIIL .... 1814 



1804 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 



231 



A.C. 
KINGS OF ENGLAND. 

Saxons. 

Egbert, , 

Ethelwolf and Elhelstan, . 
Ethelbald and Ethelbert, . 

Ethelbert alone, .... 860 

Ethelred 1 866 

Alfred, 871 

Edward, the Elder, ... 901 

Ethelstan, 925 

Edmund I. ..... 941 

Edred, 946 

Edwy, . . . . '. . 955 

Edgar, 959 

Edward II. the Martyr, . 975 

Ethelred II 978 

Edmund II. Ironside, , . 1016 

Danes. 

Canute, 1017 

Harold I. Harefoot, . . 1035 
Hardicanute, .... 1039 

Saxons. 



A. C. 

Edward II 1307 

Edward HI 1327 

Richard II 1377 



Edward III 

Harold II ' 1066 

JVormans. 

William I. the Conqueror, 1066 

William II. Rufus, . . 1087 

Henry 1. the Scholar, . . 1 100 

Stephen, 1135 

Matilda, or Maud, four 

months, 1141 

Stephen again, .... 1141 



1. HOUSE OF PLANTAGE- 
NET OR ANJOU. 

Henry II. Plantagenet, . 1154 
Richard I. the Lion-heart- 
ed, 1189 

John, Lackland, . . . 1199 

Henry III 1216 

JRdward I. the English Jus- 
tinian, 1272 



827 
838 

857 II. HOUSE OF LANCASTER, 
CALLED THE RED ROSE. 

Henry IV. Duke of Lan- 
cester, ...... 1399 

Henry V 1413 

Henry VI 1422 



III. HOUSE OF YORK, CALL- 
ED THE WHITE ROSE. 

Edward IV 1461 

Edward V 1483 

Ptichard III 1483 

Union of the two Roses, 1485 



IV. HOUSE OF TUDOR. 
Henry VII. Tudor, . . 1485 
Henry VIII. .... 1509 
Edward VI. the Pious, . 1547f 
Mary I. the Bloody, . . 1553 
Elizabeth, 1553 



7. HOUSE OF STUART. 
James I. Stuart, . . . 1603 

Charles 1 1625 

. . 1649 
, . 1648 



beheaded, 

Commonwealth, 
Oliver Cromwel, 



Protector 



of the Commonwealth, 1653 
Rich'd Cromwel, Protector 

of the Commonwealth, 

forced to resign, 

Restoration of Monarchy, 

Charles 11 • 

James II, . . ... 

deposed,* . . . 



1658 
1659 
1660 
1660 
1685 
1689 

* Although the Parliament, in offering 
the crown to William III pretended that 
James had ahdicattd the government, yet 
Hume, Smollett and Goldsmith are un- 
questionably correct in considering James 
as baying been deposed Ed. 



26. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 



AC. 

William III. and Mary II. 1680 
William alone, .... 1694 
Aunc',(laughttr of James II. 1702 



VI. HOUSE OF HANOVER. 

George 1 1714 

Gcorg;e II 1727 

CJeorge III 1760 

George IV 1JJ20 



CZARS, OR EMPERORS 
AND EMPRESSES OF Kl'S- 



SIA, FROM 
GREAT. 



PE'JER, THE 



Peter I. Alexiowitz, the 
Great and I wan V. . 108'2 

Peter alone, 1696 

Catharine I. widow of Pe- 
ter, 1725 

Peter II 1727 

Anne Ivanovna, . , . 17;}0 
J wan or John VI. . , . 1740 



A. C. 

Elizabeth Pctrovna, daugh- 
ter of Peter the Great, 1741 

Peter III 1762 

Catharine II. the Great, 176? 

Paul, 1796 

Alexander 1001 



'RESIDENTS OF THE UNI- 
TED STATES. 

George Washington, . . 1789 

John Adanip, .... 1797 

Tlioriins Jefferson, . . lliOl 

James Madison, . . . 1809 

James Monroe, . . . 1817 



VICE-PRESIDENTS OF THE 
UNITED STATES. 

John Adams, .... 1789 

Thomas Jefferson, . . 1797 

Aaron I?nrr, .... 1801 

George Clinton, . . . 1805 

Elbridge Gerry, . . . 18i:j 

Daniel D. Tompkins . 1817 



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